Federalism and democracy. The case of minority nations: a federalist deficit

In this chapter, after pointing out the different logics that lie behind the familiar ideas of democracy and federalism, I have dealt with the case of plurinational federal democracies. Having put forward a double criterion of an empirical nature with which to differentiate between the existence of minority nations within plurinational democracies (section 2), I suggest three theoretical criteria for the political accommodation of these democracies. In the following section, I show the agonistic nature of the normative discussion of the political accommodation of this kind of democracies, which bring monist and pluralist versions of the demos of the polity into conflict (section 3.1), as well as a number of conclusions which are the result of a comparative study of 19 federal and regional democracies using four analytical axes: the uninational/plurinational axis; the unitarianism-federalism axis; the centralisation-decentralisation axis; and the symmetry-asymmetry axis (section 3.2). This analysis reveals shortcomings in the constitutional recognition of national pluralism in federal and regional cases with a large number of federated units/regions with political autonomy; a lower degree of constitutional federalism and a greater asymmetry in the federated entities or regions of plurinational democracies. It also reveals difficulties to establish clear formulas in these democracies in order to encourage a “federalism of trust” based on the participation and protection of national minorities in the shared government of plurinational federations/regional states. Actually, there is a federal deficit in this kind polities according to normative liberal-democratic patterns and to what comparative analysis show. Finally, this chapter advocates the need for a greater normative and institutional refinement in plurinational federal democracies. In order to achieve this, it is necessary to introduce a deeper form of “ethical” pluralism -which displays normative agonistic trends, as well as a more “confederal/asymmetrical” perspective, congruent with the national pluralism of these kind of polities.

Intertwined cultural demands of immigrants and minority nations

Since at least the last two decades of the 20th century, the normative debate on multiculturalism has been one-dimensional. It has deployed arguments related to cultural demands either linked to feminism and sub-cultural identities, immigration or national minorities. Little attention has been given to the relations between these dimensions, and how they effect each other in putting forward demands to the nation-state. The purpose of this article is to analyse the interaction between cultural demands of immigrants and minority nations. The basic objective of this paper is to give an overview of different reflections coming from three basic contributors: J. Carens, W. Kymlicka and R. Bauböck.

Cosmopolitan justice and minority rights: the case of minority nations (or Kant again, but different)

Global Justice has usually been understood to mean institutional and social justice (political and redistributive issues on a global scale). In contrast, issues involving different national and cultural identities, are usually marginal in reflections on global justice. This occurs despite the fact that human rights include political social and cultural rights. This paper links a conception of global justice, moral cosmopolitanism, with plurinational democracies. After giving a brief description of moral cosmopolitanism I go on to analyse notions of cosmopolitanism and patriotism in Kant's work and the political significance that the notion of "unsocial sociability" and the "Ideas of Pure Reason" of Kant's first Critique have for cosmopolitanism. Finally, I analyse the relationship between cosmopolitanism and minority nations based on the preceding sections. I postulate the need for a moral and institutional refinement of democracies and international society that is better able to accommodate national pluralism than has so far been achieved by traditional liberal constitutionalism and cosmopolitanism

Executive Order Number Forty-Six, January 2006

Excecutive order signed by Governor Thomas Vilsck. Ensures Iowa's kids have a quality early childhood experience by giving child care workers the opportunity to organize. Directs the Department of Human Services to meet with authorized representatives of unregistered Child Care providers (and others not covered by Executive Order 45 )in the State of Iowa.

Executive Order Number Six, November 1966

Executive Orders from Governor Hughes. Office for State Planning and Procedure.

Executive Order Number Six, January 1972

Executive Orders from Governor Ray. Authorize and direct the transfer of powers, duites, etc. as given to the Printing Board of General Services Department

Executive Order Number Twenty Six, July 1977

Terrace Hill Authority

Executive Order Number Thirty Six, July 1980

Establish formal procedures and criteria for the reporting of gifts to officials and employees of the Executive Department of the State of Iowa and to their immedicate family memebers.

Executive Order Number Forty Six, December 1982

Proclaim initiatives to be taken further affirmative action and employment opportunity in state government programs.

Executive Order Number Six, November 23, 1983

Reafrrim and continue membership in the Upper Mississippi River Basin Assoication.

Executive Order Number Twenty Six, December 31, 1986

Prohibit the sale of tobacco products in areas of buildings under the Governor's control in the State Capital Cpmlex and all offices occupied by State government.

Executive Order Number Thirty Six, Febraury 13, 1989

Iowa state government shall be models for developing and implementing comprehensive programs for waste reduction, recycling, and the use of recycled products.

Executive Order Number Forty Six, January 5, 1993

Establish the TIM Council (Telecommunication and Informational Management)