969 resultados para Republic VI


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A novel mixed-valence molybdenum(IV, VI) arsenate(III), Ni(H2NCH2CH2NH2)(3)[((MoO6)-O-IV)(Mo6O18)-O-VI((As3O3)-O-III)(2)]H2O, hydrothermally synthesized and characterized by single-crystal X-ray diffraction and thermogravimetric analysis. The polyanion cage derives from the Anderson structure, in which the central octahedron was filled up by molybdenum(IV) and it was capped on both sides by a novel As3O63- cyclo-triarsenate(III). The title compound had a high catalytic activity for the oxidation of benzaldehyde to benzoic acid using H2O2 as oxidant in a liquid-solid biphase system. (C) 1999 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.

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Based on the complex crystal chemical bond theory, the formula of Liu and Cohen's, which is only suitable for one type of bond, has been extended to calculate the bulk modulus of ternary chalcopyrite A(I)B(III)C(2)(VI) and A(II)B(IV)C(2)(V) which contains two types of bonds. The calculated results are in fair agreement with the previous theoretical values reported and experimental values. (C) 1998 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Isopolymolybdate (VI) anion transfer across the water/nitrobenzene (w/n) interface was studied by cyclic voltammetry. The effect of pH and responsed kinetics of isopolymolybdate anion's formation in the water phase on the transfer behavior have been studi

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本文在23 ℃和31.6S条件下系统地研究了六价铬离子对海弯扇贝Argopecten irradians胚胎和不同发育阶段的幼虫的影响。海弯扇贝胚胎,早期D形幼早(刚孵化出的平均壳长为91μm的D形幼虫)和壳顶幼早对Cr~(8+)的敏感性各不相同。Cr~(6+)对胚胎孵化45hr的半数影响浓度EC_(50)为2614.57μg/L;对早期D形幼虫和壳顶幼虫48hr的半致死浓度LC_(50)分别为4343.26和2323.27μg/L。因此,其敏感性大小依次为:壳顶幼早 > 胚胎 > D形幼虫。眼点的幼虫在变态的过程中对Cr~(6+)的反应尤为敏感,低浓度(<200μg/L)的Cr~(6+)对其变态则有很强的抑制作用,在831.19μg/L的Cr~(6+)作用下眼点幼虫的变态率仅为对照组的50%。Cr~(6+)对海湾贝D形幼虫的生长发育具有明显的抑制作用,随着Cr~(6+)浓度的升高,幼虫的生长速度逐渐减慢,死亡率逐渐升高,同一浓度的Cr~(6+)作用越长,毒性越大。Cr~(6+)对D形幼虫生长96hr和192hr的EC_(50)分别为1395.40和710.56μg/L。被Cr~(6+)污染的铒料(等鞭金藻Isochrysis galbana)亦可对海湾扇贝幼虫产生毒性影响,说明Cr~(6+)的性可通过铒料传递。AAS法分析表明Cr~(6+)在D形幼虫体内的累积随着外界Cr~(6+)浓度的升高而逐渐增多。根据海湾扇贝最敏感期--壳顶幼虫期对Cr~(6+)的起始反应浓度,建议在海湾扇贝人工育苗过程中水质控制Cr~(6+)浓度应低于14μg/L。

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Biosorption of Cr(VI) from aqueous solutions by nonliving green algae Cladophora albida was investigated in batch experiments. The influence of pH, algal dosage, initial Cr(VI) concentration, temperature and coexisting anions on removal efficiencies of C. albida was studied. Cr(VI) removal process was influenced significantly by the variation of pH, and the optimum pH was chosen at a range of 1.0-3.0. The optimum algal dosage 2 g/L was used in the experiment. The removal rate of Cr(VI) was relatively rapid in the first 60 min, but then the rate decreased gradually. Removal mechanism was studied by analyzing Cr(VI) and total Cr in the solution. Biosorption and bioreduction were involved in the Cr(VI) removal. Biosorption of Cr(VI) was the first step. followed by Cr(VI) bioreduction and Cr(III) biosorption on the algal biomass. Actual industrial wastewater was used to evaluate the practicality of the biomass C. albida. From a practical viewpoint, the abundant and economic biomass C. albida could be used for removal of Cr(VI) from wastewater by the reduction of toxic Cr(VI) to less toxic Cr(III). (C) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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When Oryzopsis is confined to the type species, Chinese species are placed in Achnatherum and Piptatherum. This necessitates the following new combinations: Piptatherum grandispiculum, Piptatherum aequiglume var. ligulatum, Piptatherum tibeticum var. psilolepis.. Piptatherum. munroi var. parviflorum, Achnatherum henryi. and Achnatherum henryi var. acutum. Achnatherum henryi is lectotypified. The new name Piptatherum kuoi replaces the illegitimate name Piptatherum obtusum, and this species is lectotypified. Hierochloe potaninii is transferred to Anthoxanthum as A. potaninii, as Hierochloe is regarded as a synonym of Anthoxanthum. All the grass taxa (Poaceae) listed are endemic to China.

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Morgan, Huw; Habbal, S. R., 'The impact of sunspots on the interpretation of coronal observations of the OVI doublet', The Astrophysical Journal (2005) 630(2) pp.L189-L192 RAE2008

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The paper reviews the provisions of the White Book on National Security of the Republic of Poland. It states that the issue of health security is not given adequate significance there. The accessibility of health services is considered, in general, solely in terms of their availability. The assumptions concerning the concept of providing the number of beds required in a state of threat to national security and in time of war do not take into account the current socio-economic conditions and need to be reviewed. The conclusions emphasize the dilemmas that emerge as a result of the unilateral promotion of a single category of national security, that is military security, in the context of ensuring health security.

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The spread of democracy in the latter part of the twenty first century has been accompanied by an increasing focus on its perceived performance in established western democracies. Recent literature has expressed concern about a critical outlook among younger cohorts which threatens their political support and engagement. Political efficacy, referring to the feeling of political effectiveness, is considered to be a key indicator of the performance of democratic politics; as it refers to the empowerment of citizens, and relates to their willingness to engage in political matters. The aim of this thesis is to analyse the socialisation of political efficacy among those on the threshold of political adulthood; i.e., 'threshold voters'. The long-term significance of attitudes developed by time of entry to adulthood for political engagement during adulthood has been emphasised in recent literature. By capturing the effect of non-political and political learning among threshold voters, the study advances existing research frames which focus on childhood and early adolescent socialisation. The theoretical and methodological framework applied herein recognises the distinction between internal and external political efficacy, which has not been consistently operationalized in existing research on efficacy socialisation. This research involves a case study of 'threshold voters' in the Republic of Ireland, and employs a quantitative methodology. A study on Irish threshold voters is timely as the parliament and government have recently proposed a lowering of the voting age and an expansion of formal political education to this age group. A project-specific survey instrument was developed and administered to a systematic stratified sample of 1,042 post-primary students in the Cork area. Interpretation of the results of statistical analysis leads to findings on the divergent influence of family, school, associational, and political agents/environments on threshold voter internal and external political efficacy.

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Early years’ education has increasingly been identified as a mechanism to alleviate educational disadvantage in areas of social exclusion. Early years’ intervention programmes are now a common government social policy for addressing social problems (Reynolds, Mann, Miedel, and Smokowski, 1997). In particular, state provided early years’ programmes such as Head Start in the United States and Early Start in Ireland have been established to combat educational disadvantage for children experiencing poverty and socio-economic inequality. The focus of this research is on the long-term outcomes of an early years’ intervention programme in Ireland. It aims to assess whether participation in the programme enhances the life course of children at-risk of educational disadvantage. It involves an in-depth analysis of one Early Start project which was included in the original eight projects established by the Department of Education and Science in 1994. The study utilises a multi-group design to provide a detailed analysis of both the academic and social progress of programme participants. It examines programme outcomes from a number of perspectives by collecting the views of the three main stakeholders involved in the education process; students who participated in Early Start in 1994/5, their parents and their teachers. To contribute to understanding the impact of the programme from a community perspective interviews were also conducted with local community educators and other local early years’ services. In general, Early Start was perceived by all participants in this study as making a positive contribution to parent involvement in education and to strengthening educational capital in the local area. The study found that parents and primary school teachers identified aspects of school readiness as the main benefit of participation in Early Start and parents and teachers were very positive about the role of Early Start in preparing children for the transition to formal school. In addition to this, participation in Early Start appears to have made a positive contribution to academic attainment in Maths and Science at Junior Certificate level. Students who had participated in Early Start were also rated more highly by their second level teachers in terms of goal-setting and future orientation which are important factors in educational attainment. Early Start then can be viewed as providing a positive contribution to the long-term social and academic outcomes for its participants.

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This dissertation assesses from an under-explored angle the enduring contention over Travellers’ ethnic recognition in the Republic of Ireland, particularly over the last decade. The novelty of this study concerns not only its specific focus on and engagement with the debate on ‘Traveller ethnicity’ among Traveller activists. It also pertains to the examination of Travellers’ arguments for and against ethnicity in light of critical theorisations as well as insights from identity politics. Furthermore, the adoption of a Critical Discourse Analytical framework offers new perspectives to this controversy and its potential implications. Finally, this thesis’ relevance extends beyond the contention on ‘Traveller ethnicity’ in itself. It also draws attention to the complex dynamics of colonisation and appropriation between the global and the local. Particularly, it points to the interplay between international human rights discourses and the local ones, formulated by NGOs struggling for equality. In this way it sheds light on more general issues such as the dialectical potential of human rights discourses: the benefits and pitfalls of framing recognition claims in the legalistic terms of human rights. In this study it is argued that the contention on ‘Traveller ethnicity’ defies a simplistic polarisation between Irish Travellers and the Irish State since it has been simultaneously played out within the Travelling community. Specifically, this study explores how ‘Traveller ethnicity’ has been introduced, embraced, promoted and contested within Traveller politics to the point of becoming a hotly debated and divisive issue among Traveller activists and at the heart of the community itself. Putting Traveller activists centre-stage, their discourses for and against ‘Traveller ethnicity’ are examined and assessed against one another and their potential implications for Traveller politics, policies and identities are pointed out. Contending discourses are historically contextualised as the product of specific structural, material and discursive configurations of power and socio-economic relations within Irish society. Discourses for and against ‘Traveller ethnicity’ are assessed as being significant beyond the representational level. They are regarded as contributing to dialectically constitute Travellers’ ways of being, representing and acting. Furthermore these discourses are considered as sites and means of power struggles, whose stakes are not only words, but relate to issues of power and leadership within the Travelling community; adjudications over material resources; the adoption of certain policy approaches over others; and, finally, the consolidation of certain subject positions over others for Travellers to draw upon and relate to mainstream society. This study highlights an ongoing ideological struggle for the naturalisation of ‘Traveller ethnicity’ as a self-evident ‘fact’, which involves no active choice by Travellers themselves. Overall, ‘Traveller ethnicity’ appears to constitute an enduring source of dilemmas for the Travelling community. These revolve around the contradictory potential of ethnicity claims-making —both its perils and advantages— and its status as a potent political strategic resource that can both challenge and reinforce existing power relations, policies and identities.