615 resultados para Reconciliation -- Political aspects -- Australia


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Controlling the definition of what was essentially a subjugated culture, the colonisers reserve the power to distinguish authentic aspects of the living traditions of the colonised. If the colonised argue political demands by reference to their culture, the colonisers are quick to adjudicate what is genuine in such claims. (Fannon, 1967) Since colonial invasions, Australia’s Indigenous people have weathered rapid change. While the origins of Australia’s Indigenous peoples continues to be an archaeological interest for many, how Indigenous cultures have survived, transformed and retained a sense of ‘difference’ is fundamental to understanding the diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures within this continent as both contemporaneous and historical. It is important that teachers, students and researchers within Indigenous studies remind themselves that much of the literature on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders can be ideologically traced back to the emergence of ‘knowledge’ about native peoples in the context of European imperialism and expansion from the fifteenth century. Care must therefore be taken in not conveying ‘scientific’ rational knowledge as perhaps the hidden agenda or notion of assumptions of European ‘superiority’ and non-European inferiority. The recognition by the High Court of Australia (1992) abandoned the legal myth of terra nullius which based the dispossession of Indigenous land on the basis of it being considered an empty land. It could also be argued that this decision recognised that distinct customs and traditions continue to exist within the social and cultural ‘knowledge’ of Indigenous peoples of Australia. General issues and concerns relating to research design, methodology and articulation within QUT are not just confined to this university and the research project presented as a case study but are important in dealing with how Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander students and academics participate or are employed within the university. We feel that the design and methodology of research that either covertly or overtly focuses on Indigenous Australians can no longer presume that all research will naturally follow protocols that are culturally appropriate as this appropriateness is usually defined by the institution. By no means do we feel that research should be debilitated as a result of raising these issues, but that collaborative approaches within the ‘process’ of research will address Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and communities as much as the intended outcomes of research itself.

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There is a need to take a fresh look at the traditional application of the marketing concept to political marketing. As many businesses have learned, Integrated Marketing Communications (IMC) practices and principles will help them to build customer relationships and profitable brands. Political marketing must also change with the times and implement IMC practices toward building and nourishing brand relationships with voters and other important stakeholders. The nature of the contribution of this paper is the identification of a gap in the political marketing literature - the stagnation of political marketing at the 4P's marketing concept, and to play a role in the future development of political marketing. In recent developments, it is seen that there is a gradual movement away from this traditional marketing theory. There are a growing number of academics who have approached very closely to the IMC concept or aspects of it, but have not however embraced or have been reluctant to, the prospect of applying it to political marketing. IMC is a practical, logical and ultimately inevitable future for political marketing.

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The range of political information sources available to modern Australians is greater and more varied today than at any point in the nation’s history, incorporating print, broadcast, Internet, mainstream and non-mainstream media. In such a competitive media environment, the factors which influence the selection of some information sources above others are of interest to political agents, media institutions and communications researchers alike. A key factor in information source selection is credibility. At the same time that the range of political information sources is increasing rapidly, due to the development of new information and communication technologies, audience research suggests that trust in mainstream media organisations in many countries is declining. So if people distrust the mainstream media, but have a vast array of alternative political information sources available to them, what do their personal media consumption patterns look like? How can we analyse such media consumption patterns in a meaningful way? In this paper I will briefly map the development of media credibility research in the US and Australia, leading to a discussion of one of the most recent media credibility constructs to be shown to influence political information consumption, media scepticism. Looking at the consequences of media scepticism, I will then consider the associated media consumption construct, media diet, and evaluate its usefulness in an Australian, as opposed to US, context. Finally, I will suggest alternative conceptualisations of media diets which may be more suited to Australian political communications research.

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An emergent form of political economy, facilitated by information and communication technologies (ICTs), is widely propagated as the apotheosis of unmitigated social, economic, and technological progress. Meanwhile, throughout the world, social degradation and economic inequality are increasing logarithmically. Valued categories of thought are, axiomatically, the basic commodities of the “knowledge economy”. Language is its means of exchange. This paper proposes a sociolinguistic method with which to critically engage the hyperbole of the “Information Age”. The method is grounded in a systemic social theory that synthesises aspects of autopoiesis and Marxist political economy. A trade policy statement is analysed to exemplify the sociolinguistically created aberrations that are today most often construed as social and political determinants.

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I have been an academic since joining the University of Natal in 1998 and, following a period as a visiting lecturer in Brisbane in 2001, I joined the staff at QUT on an ongoing basis in 2003. I was appointed as Architecture Co-ordinator in 2006, and this role involves the leadership of the architectur discipline of 17 full time academics. I am currently enrolled in a PhD course in the field of urban morphology. This research proposes a theory on the relevance of mapping the evolutionary aspects of historical urban form to develop a measure for evaluating architecural elements and deriving parameters for new buildings. My participation in a QUT design team contributed to a recent successful invited competition bid for an Urban Transit Centre in Hangzhou, China. The Centre will include retail, business, entertainment, residential and service components at the heart of the Binjiang district on the 11.5ha core area with 32ha surrounding urban design precinct. The project has received the approval to commence and is to be implemented over the next three years!

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The discourse surrounding recent Aboriginal social policy regularly refers to pragmatism and partnership. In a simpler world, we might call this ‘getting things done with Aboriginal people.’ To that extent, the discourse draws on an indisputable common sense, and it is not surprising that a variety of political agendas can be packaged within such language. While many things need to be done, the quantity and particularly the quality of social networks required to take effective policy into effective practice is something we ought to consider more carefully. This is where the concept of social capital could be useful, since it focuses attention on the social resources required to construct social policy, as well as the social resources that could be produced by effective social policy. Partnerships and pragmatism are therefore related at a most fundamental level in terms of social policy. We question whether this important conceptual bedrock has been fully explored. Hence we review here some recent ‘big plans’ for Aboriginal Australia, and ask whether the size of the theory matches the size of the plans.

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Objective: The emergency medical system (EMS) can be defined as a comprehensive, coordinated and integrated system of care for patients suffering acute illness and injury. The aim of the present paper is to describe the evolution of the Queensland Emergency Medical System (QEMS) and to recommend a strategic national approach to EMS development. Methods: Following the formation of the Queensland Ambulance Service in 1991, a state EMS committee was formed. This committee led the development and approval of the cross portfolio QEMS policy framework that has resulted in dynamic policy development, system monitoring and evaluation. This framework is led by the Queensland Emergency Medical Services Advisory Committee. Results: There has been considerable progress in the development of all aspects of the EMS in Queensland. These developments have derived from the improved coordination and leadership that QEMS provides and has resulted in widespread satisfaction by both patients and stakeholders. Conclusions: The strategic approach outlined in the present paper offers a model for EMS arrangements throughout Australia. We propose that the Council of Australian Governments should require each state and Territory to maintain an EMS committee. These state EMS committees should have a broad portfolio of responsibilities. They should provide leadership and direction to the development of the EMS and ensure coordination and quality of outcomes. A national EMS committee with broad representation and broad scope should be established to coordinate the national development of Australia's EMS.

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This report provides an introduction to our analyses of secondary data with respect to violent acts and incidents relating to males living in rural settings in Australia. It clarifies important aspects of our overall approach primarily by concentrating on three elements that required early scoping and resolution. Firstly, a wide and inclusive view of violence which encompasses measures of violent acts and incidents and also data identifying risk taking behaviour and the consequences of violence is outlined and justified. Secondly, the classification used to make comparisons between the city and the bush together with associated caveats is outlined. The third element discussed is in relation to national injury data. Additional commentary resulting from exploration, examination and analyses of secondary data is published online in five subsequent reports in this series.

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Richly illustrated and beautifully designed, Modern Times - The Untold Story of Modernism in Australia reveals how modernism transformed all aspects of Australian culture across five tumultuous decades from 1917 to 1967. The influence of modernism was far-reaching. "Modern Times" looks at all things modern and as diverse as art, advertising, photography, film, fashion, the body, architecture, interiors, recreational sites such as the new swimming pools and fountains, milk bars and auto culture.Modernism embodied the utopian possibilities of the twentieth century. It transformed Australian cities into complex metropolises and offered access to new cosmopolitan cultures. This is the first time that such diverse material has been brought together in one volume.

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Australian Constitutional referendums have been part of the Australian political system since federation. Up to the year 1999 (the time of the last referendum in Australia), constitutional change in Australia does not have a good history of acceptance. Since 1901, there have been 44 proposed constitutional changes with eight gaining the required acceptance according to section 128 of the Australian Constitution. In the modern era since 1967, there have been 20 proposals over seven referendum votes for a total of four changes. Over this same period, there have been 13 federal general elections which have realised change in government just five times. This research examines the electoral behaviour of Australian voters from 1967 to 1999 for each referendum. Party identification has long been a key indicator in general election voting. This research considers whether the dominant theory of voter behaviour in general elections (the Michigan Model) provides a plausible explanation for voting in Australian referendums. In order to explain electoral behaviour in each referendum, this research has utilised available data from the Australian Electoral Commission, the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data, and the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum Study. This data has provided the necessary variables required to measure the impact of the Michigan Model of voter behaviour. Measurements have been conducted using bivariate and multivariate analyses. Each referendum provides an overview of the events at the time of the referendum as well as the =yes‘ and =no‘ cases at the time each referendum was initiated. Results from this research provide support for the Michigan Model of voter behaviour in Australian referendum voting. This research concludes that party identification, as a key variable of the Michigan Model, shows that voters continue to take their cues for voting from the political party they identify with in Australian referendums. However, the outcome of Australian referendums clearly shows that partisanship is only one of a number of contributory factors in constitutional referendums.

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This article will explore X-rated representations of Aboriginality in Australian-produced pornographic videos, particularly the image of Australia's first Indigenous porn-star, Nicci Lane. It investigates how pornographic narratives involving 'Aboriginal' characters or motifs are connected to broader embodiments of Aboriginality in popular culture. Drawing a parallel with Australian television drama and mainstream films, the article highlights how contemporary sexualized images of Aboriginal people are intimately tied to a politics of reconciliation. By surveying recent literature on pornography, which describe how certain pornographic narratives engage 'unspoken' community desires, my argument will discuss Nicci Lane's career as a unique development in the history of representations of Aboriginality. Through analysis of Lane’s Arigato Baby (1991), these ‘unspoken’ desires relate to showing Indigenous people in everyday sexual contexts, as romantic partners, friends and lovers. My argument will go on to suggest that, through Nicci Lane's performance and profile, the image of Australia’s first Indigenous porn-star offers the possibility for imagining new kinds of interracial intimacy within the Australian public sphere.

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This article examines the representation of Indigenous sexuality on Australian television drama since the 1970s, suggesting the political importance of such representations. In 1976 Justine Saunders became the first regular Indigenous character on an Australian television drama series, as the hairdresser Rhonda Jackson in Number 96. She was presented as sexually attractive, but this was expressed through a rape scene after a party. Twenty five years later, Deborah Mailman starred in The Secret Life of Us, as Kelly, who is also presented as sexually attractive. But her character can be seen in many romantic relationships. The article explores changing representations that moved us from Number 96 to The Secret Life of Us, via The Flying Doctors and Heartland. It suggests that in representations of intimate and loving relationships on screen it has only recently become possible to see hopeful models for interaction between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians.

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"Know How" protection varies enormously from country to country and is a complex equation of legal, political, cultural and economic factors. A contrast between Japan and Australia serves to highlight some of these factors. For the purposes of this article, a working definition of "know how" is required. In Australia and other common law systems, no statutory definition of "know how" exists, "confidential information" proving the closest comparative term in Australia ('trade secret law' in the United States).

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Transnational nurse migration is a growing phenomenon. However, relatively little is known about the experiences of immigrant nurses and particularly about non-English speaking background nurses who work in more economically developed countries. Informed by a symbolic interactionist framework, this research explored the experience of China-educated nurses working in the Australian health care system. Using a modified constructivist grounded theory method, the main source of data were 46 face to face in-depth interviews with 28 China-educated nurses in two major cities in Australia. The key findings of this research are fourfold. First, the core category developed in this study is reconciling different realities, which inserts a theoretical understanding beyond the concepts of acculturation, assimilation, and integration. Second, in contrast to the dominant discourse which reduces the experience of immigrant nurses to language and culture, this research concludes that it was not just about language and nor was it simply about culture. Third, rather than focus on the negative aspects of difference as in the immigration literature and in the practice of nursing, this research points to the importance of recognising the social value of difference. Finally, the prevailing view that the experience of immigrant nurses is largely negative belies its complexities. This research concludes that it is naïve to define the experience as either good or bad. Rather, ambivalence was the essential feature of the experience and a more appropriate theoretical concept. This research produced a theoretical understanding of the experience of China-educated nurses working in Australia. The findings may not only inform Chinese nurses who wish to immigrate but also contribute to the implementation of more effective support services for immigrant nurses in Australian health care organisations.