The civil war of ideas: Ayn Rand, intellectual freedom, and the regulation of thought in the Soviet Union and United States, 1905-1943

The philosopher and novelist Ayn Rand (1905–1982) is an icon of American culture. That culture misunderstands her, however. It perceives her solely as a pure market conservative. In the first forty years of her life, Rand's individualism was intellectual and served as a defense for the free trade of ideas. It originated in the Russian Revolution. In 1926, when Rand left the Soviet Union, she developed her individualism into an American philosophy. Her ideas of the individual in society belonged to a debate where intellectuals intended to abolish the State and free man and woman from its intellectual snares. To present Rand as a freethinker allows me to examine her anticommunism as a reaction against Leninism and to consider the relation of her ideas to Marxism. This approach stresses that Rand, as Marx, opposed the State and argued for the historical importance of a capitalist revolution. For Rand the latter, however, depended on an entrepreneurial class that rejected Protestantism as ideology – which she contended threatened its interests because Christianity had lost its historical significance. This exposes the nature of Rand's intellectual individualism in American society, where the majority on the entire political spectrum still identified with the teachings of Christ. It also reveals the dynamics of her anticommunism. From 1926 to 1943, Rand remodeled American individualism and as she did so, she determined her opposition first to the New Deal liberals and second business conservatives. To these ends, Marxism and Protestantism served Rand's individualism and made her an American icon of the twentieth century.

Cenários de contra-hegemonia no protestantismo brasileiro no contexto da pós-modernidade

Since long ago that the religious manifestations are considered important items in various social media. In this sense, we are interested in understanding the strong denominational plurality, and the emergence of new movements / events and forms of Christianity in Brazil, which therefore is a reflection of what happens in the rest of the globalized world. Such interest is covered by the assumption that religiosity and social media are built on mutual and interconnected way, which allows us to understand that social cosmology presents itself as a fertile space privileged and to verify the interactions pertaining to the binomial: religion and society. The Protestantism is divided into three main streams: Historical, Pentecostal and Neo-Pentecostal. Each current of Protestantism emerged to adapt to social cosmology of historical ages, from the Reformation to the present day, forming institutions with certain ethical and moral stances. In this sense, it is necessary to research and understand how the historical Protestant, Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal were implanted in Brazil. From this we believe to be interesting problematize accurately the following: How have the processes of formation of strands / evangelical movements in Brazil? These movements are still holding their "classic robes" or hybreeding their borders? What are the modulations in the religious transit demonstrate that this probable hybridization? If there is, indeed, a hybridization between the Evangelical means, we can put it is provoked only by a logic of "market of symbolic goods of religion" in the world today? Nowadays, we are experiencing a period of change cosmological, from Modern to Postmodern (caosmológic). This last is therefore characterized by secularization, the fracture, the mutilation, the diversity of subjectivities. And thinking about is this "spirit of the times" we take as the main its theoretical references of this study, the Italian philosopher and thinker of postmodernity Gianni Vattimo featuring postmodernity with the cosmology of fragile / pensiero debole Thought and post-metaphysical, that is which enhances the appearance of more plural institutions and non-absolute. To do so, he makes use of the philosophies of German, Nietzsche and Heidegger. Finally, it must be said that this grounded theoretical framework, raise the hypothesis that the Protestantism tends to "injure anymore" by the influence of postmodern social episteme, providing thereby the emergence of a new hybrid framework has not yet nominated and can move between the three major currents of world Protestantism, with features in converged aspects of the same.

Cenários de contra-hegemonia no protestantismo brasileiro no contexto da pós-modernidade

Since long ago that the religious manifestations are considered important items in various social media. In this sense, we are interested in understanding the strong denominational plurality, and the emergence of new movements / events and forms of Christianity in Brazil, which therefore is a reflection of what happens in the rest of the globalized world. Such interest is covered by the assumption that religiosity and social media are built on mutual and interconnected way, which allows us to understand that social cosmology presents itself as a fertile space privileged and to verify the interactions pertaining to the binomial: religion and society. The Protestantism is divided into three main streams: Historical, Pentecostal and Neo-Pentecostal. Each current of Protestantism emerged to adapt to social cosmology of historical ages, from the Reformation to the present day, forming institutions with certain ethical and moral stances. In this sense, it is necessary to research and understand how the historical Protestant, Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal were implanted in Brazil. From this we believe to be interesting problematize accurately the following: How have the processes of formation of strands / evangelical movements in Brazil? These movements are still holding their "classic robes" or hybreeding their borders? What are the modulations in the religious transit demonstrate that this probable hybridization? If there is, indeed, a hybridization between the Evangelical means, we can put it is provoked only by a logic of "market of symbolic goods of religion" in the world today? Nowadays, we are experiencing a period of change cosmological, from Modern to Postmodern (caosmológic). This last is therefore characterized by secularization, the fracture, the mutilation, the diversity of subjectivities. And thinking about is this "spirit of the times" we take as the main its theoretical references of this study, the Italian philosopher and thinker of postmodernity Gianni Vattimo featuring postmodernity with the cosmology of fragile / pensiero debole Thought and post-metaphysical, that is which enhances the appearance of more plural institutions and non-absolute. To do so, he makes use of the philosophies of German, Nietzsche and Heidegger. Finally, it must be said that this grounded theoretical framework, raise the hypothesis that the Protestantism tends to "injure anymore" by the influence of postmodern social episteme, providing thereby the emergence of a new hybrid framework has not yet nominated and can move between the three major currents of world Protestantism, with features in converged aspects of the same.

“No Such Ordinary Gift Left”. La disputa entre sanación carismática y religión institucional en los tratados demonológicos ingleses (S. XVI-XVII)

El presente trabajo se propone analizar la campaña de los demonólogos ingleses que escribieron entre 1584 y 1627 contra los sanadores carismáticos como un episodio específico de las tensiones entre carisma e institución que caracterizaron la historia del cristianismo. Se intentará demostrar que los teólogos reformados pretendieron erradicar a aquellos personajes por el desafío que planteaban a la Iglesia oficial y su ortodoxia teológica, pero también porque amenazaban el rol que estaban construyendo para si en la sociedad. Para devaluar la posición de los sanadores y fortalecer la propia, los miembros de la alta cultura teologal protestante los vincularon con los demonios y el catolicismo, estrategia retórica que a su vez buscaba presentar a las ideas reformadas como la única expresión legítima del cristianismo.

Work Ethic, Social Ethic, no Ethic: Measuring the Economic Values of Modern Christians

Benito Arruñada finds evidence of a distinct Protestant social ethic in the ISSP’s 1998 Religion II Survey (Economic Journal 2010; 120: 890-918). We replicate Arruñada’s results using his broad definition of Protestantism and our new narrow definition, which includes only those ascetic denominations that Max Weber singled out for possessing a strong capitalist work ethic. We then extend this analysis to the ISSP’s 2008 Religion III Survey, the most recent comparable international questionnaire on religious attitudes and religious change. We find no evidence of a Calvinist work ethic, and suggest that Arruñada’s Protestant social ethic continues into the twenty-first century.

Lay Catholicism and Religious Policy in Cromwellian Ireland

The conquest of Ireland between 1649 and 1653 created almost as many problems as it solved for the English government of the country. Not least of these was how, if at all, the majority Catholic population was to be won over to Protestantism. This article reassesses Cromwellian religious policy towards the Catholic laity and traces its evolution up to the end of the decade, taking account also of Catholic responses to official measures. It argues that the supposed leniency of government policy has been overstated and that Catholics who refused to conform to Protestantism in fact risked heavy penalties.

Politics and protestant Lordship in North East Scotland during the reign of James VI: The life of George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal, 1554-1623

George Keith, fourth Earl Marischal is a case study of long-term, quietly successful and stable lordship through the reign of James VI. Marischal’s life provides a wholly underrepresented perspective on this era, where the study of rebellious and notorious characters has dominated. He is also a counter-example to the notion of a general crisis among the European nobility, at least in the Scottish context, as well as to the notion of a ‘conservative’ or ‘Catholic’ north east. In 1580 George inherited the richest earldom in Scotland, with a geographical extent stretching along the east coast from Caithness to East Lothian. His family came to be this wealthy as a long term consequence of the Battle of Flodden (1513) where a branch of the family, the Inverugie Keiths had been killed. The heiress of this branch was married to the third earl and this had concentrated a large number of lands, and consequently wealth, in the hands of the earls. This had, however, also significantly decreased the number of members and hence power of the Keith kindred. The third earl’s conversion to Protestantism in 1544 and later his adherence to the King’s Party during the Marian Civil War forced the Keiths into direct confrontation with their neighbours in the north east, the Gordons (led by the Earls of Huntly), a Catholic family and supporters of the Queen’s Party. Although this feud was settled for a time at the end of the war, the political turmoil caused by a succession of short-lived factional regimes in the early part of the personal reign of James VI (c.1578-1585) led the new (fourth) Earl Marischal into direct confrontation with the new (sixth) Earl of Huntly. Marischal was outclassed, outmanoeuvred and outgunned at both court and in the locality in this feud, suffering considerably. However, Huntly’s over-ambition in wider court politics meant that Marischal was able to join various coalitions against his rival, until Huntly was exiled in 1595. Marischal also came into conflict briefly with Chancellor John Maitland of Thirlestane as a consequence of Marischal’s diplomatic mission to Denmark in 1589-1590, but was again outmatched politically and briefly imprisoned. Both of these feuds reveal Marischal to be relatively cautious and reactionary, and both reveal the limitations of his power. Elsewhere, the study of Marischal’s activities in the centre of Scottish politics reveal him to be unambitious. He was ready to serve King James, the two men having a healthy working relationship, but Marischal showed no ambition as a courtier, to woo the king’s favour or patronage, instead delegating interaction with the monarch to his kinsmen. Likewise, in government, Marischal rarely attended any of the committees he was entitled to attend, such as the Privy Council, although he did keep a keen eye on the land market and the business conducted under the Great Seal. Although personally devout and a committed Protestant, the study of Marischal’s interaction with the national Kirk and the parishes of which he was patron reveal that he was at times a negligent patron and exercised his right of ministerial presentation as lordly, not godly patronage. The notion of a ‘conservative North East’ is, however, rejected. Where Marischal was politically weak at court and weak in terms of force in the locality, we see him pursuing sideways approaches to dealing with this. Thus he was keen to build up his general influence in the north and in particular with the burgh of Aberdeen (one result of this being the creation of Marischal College in 1593), pursued disputes through increasing use of legal methods rather than bloodfeud (thus exploiting his wealth and compensating for his relative lack of force) and developed a sophisticated system of maritime infrastructure, ultimately expressed through the creating of the burghs of Peterhead and Stonehaven. Although his close family caused him a number of problems over his lifetime, he was able to pass on a stable and enlarged lordship to his son in 1623.