Local exchange in the southern levant during the early bronze age: a political economy viewpoint

Trade and relations between the southern Levant and other regions of the Near East (mainly Egypt) during the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3,600–2,300 BC) have been the subject of many studies. Research concerning the exchange of local commodities was almost ignored or was discussed in parochial studies, focusing on specific archaeological finds. It is the intention of this paper to present the results of recent research of the exchange of commodities provided by archaeological data from excavations in the Southern Levant with regard to economic theories on the exchange-value of goods and exchange networks. Conclusions regarding the type of society and the forms of government in the Southern Levant during the Early Bronze Age are also presented.

Incorporating American Dreams into Australian Stories: Political Erasure and cultural transference in film adaptations of Australian Literary Classics

Eterio Pajares, Raquel Merino y José Miguel Santamaría (eds.)

The shape of fisheries to come. Some thoughts on fisheries development and education with special reference to aquaculture

A brief discussion is presented on the current situation regarding world fisheries and the future role of aquaculture. The various components involved in fisheries, and affecting all changes in fisheries through time, include the biology of the species involved, environment, technology/engineering and socio-economics. The importance of education in fisheries and aquaculture development is also examined

The political econmoy of state government debt : an analysis of constitutional limitations (1961-1990)

Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

Four essays on the empirical analysis of political ideology

This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

Economic Efficiency, Environmental Effectiveness and Political Feasibility of Energy Efficiency Rebates: The Case of the Spanish Energy Efficiency 'Renove' Plan

29 p.

Death or taxes? The political economy of sanitation expenditure in nineteenth-century Britain

This thesis consists of three papers studying the relationship between democratic reform, expenditure on sanitation public goods and mortality in Britain in the second half of the nineteenth century. During this period decisions over spending on critical public goods such as water supply and sewer systems were made by locally elected town councils, leading to extensive variation in the level of spending across the country. This dissertation uses new historical data to examine the political factors determining that variation, and the consequences for mortality rates.

The first substantive chapter describes the spread of government sanitation expenditure, and analyzes the factors that determined towns' willingness to invest. The results show the importance of towns' financial constraints, both in terms of the available tax base and access to borrowing, in limiting the level of expenditure. This suggests that greater involvement by Westminster could have been very effective in expediting sanitary investment. There is little evidence, however, that democratic reform was an important driver of greater expenditure.

Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of extending voting rights to the poor on government public goods spending. A simple model predicts that the rich and the poor will desire lower levels of public goods expenditure than the middle class, and so extensions of the right to vote to the poor will be associated with lower spending. This prediction is tested using plausibly exogenous variation in the extent of the franchise. The results strongly support the theoretical prediction: expenditure increased following relatively small extensions of the franchise, but fell once more than approximately 50% of the adult male population held the right to vote.

Chapter 4 tests whether the sanitary expenditure was effective in combating the high mortality rates following the Industrial Revolution. The results show that increases in urban expenditure on sanitation-water supply, sewer systems and streets-was extremely effective in reducing mortality from cholera and diarrhea.

Que paraíso é esse?: a turismização da Ilha Grande

A Ilha Grande (Angra dos Reis, RJ) apresenta dois acontecimentos que marcam a história recente do lugar: a instituição de leis ambientais com a criação de quatro unidades de conservação da natureza (entre 1971 e 1990); e a intensificação do fluxo turístico após a implosão do Instituto Penal Cândido Mendes - IPCM (1994), que marcou o fim de cerca de 100 anos de um sistema penitenciário. A Ilha, sempre associada às belezas naturais e à ideia de paraíso, a partir desse momento, deixa de ser referida como o paraíso-inferno e passa a ser reconhecida predominantemente pelas potencialidades paisagísticas, voltando-se para o turismo, que se torna um componente central da vida no lugar. Reconstituindo a trajetória do turismo na Ilha, e considerando o quadro atual das atividades turísticas (a partir da minha participação em fóruns para discussão e resolução dos problemas da Ilha, de pesquisa em jornais, e de entrevistas com moradores e participantes desses fóruns), mostro os significados e visões sobre o paraíso Ilha Grande e o turismo o que se tem e o se quer , tanto no nível dos discursos e das representações, quanto no nível das práticas e das relações sociais instituídas. Revela-se aí um campo de disputa entre diferentes atores sociais com interesses diversos para salvar e explorar a Ilha Grande; onde a natureza e o turismo se apresentam como dois elementos utilizados como estratégias para sobrevivência de grande parte da população e como estratégia política do poder público; um paraíso marcado pelo turismo e um paraíso para o turismo. Faço uma leitura da ocorrência e das implicações do turismo na Ilha Grande através da ideia de turismização, em analogia com o pensamento de Norbert Elias sobre processo civilizador e de J. S. Leite Lopes sobre ambientalização, e reconhecendo o diálogo e os embates entre o processo turismizador e o processo ambientalizador na Ilha Grande.

O dilatar da nação: a dimensão do político na historiografia de Alexandre Herculano (1839-1850)

Este trabalho se propõe analisar a construção da obra de Alexandre Herculano como historiador, que teve início com a publicação de inúmeros artigos no jornal O Panorama e na Revista Universal Lisbonense. Nesses textos, procuramos perceber as reflexões iniciais que levaram a um projeto de maior fôlego intelectual, a História de Portugal, publicada em um momento de emergência das nacionalidades e da formação das consciências nacionais. Nesse sentido, procuramos perceber como Herculano concebeu a sua história analisando sua trajetória como historiador/político em meio às graduais transformações sociais que ocorriam em Portugal à sua época. Assim, propusemo-nos pensar o Alexandre Herculano político em constante diálogo com a conjuntura daquele período, tendo como referência a sua atuação social e a sua intervenção textual no processo então em curso.

Patrimonios culturales y museos: más allá de la Historia y del Arte

Cap. 1. La reinvención del museo etnológico. Xavier Roigé i Ventura Cap. 2. La mise en patrimoine du catharisme. Enjeux de territoire, enjeux d’identité. Marie-Carmen Garcia. Cap. 3. Más allá del museo. Las activaciones económicas del patrimonio: de los parques naturales a las fiestas temáticas. Agustí Andreu i Tomàs. Cap. 4. La patrimonialización de un territorio a través de los museos etnográficos: el caso de Extremadura. Aniceto Delgado Méndez. Cap. 5. La situación de los museos, colecciones, centros de interpretación y otros equipamientos patrimoniales del Alto Pirineo catalán. Jordi Abella Pons. Cap. 6. Patrimonio, conocimiento y dinamización. Una experiencia de trabajo en el Priorat (Catalunya). Salvador Palomar. Cap. 7. Experiencias de desarrollo local en el Pirineo aragonés basadas en la valorización del patrimonio. Aurelio García Gállego. Cap. 8. Las dimensiones sociales y culturales del patrimonio edificado: una propuesta para su estudio. Iñaki Arrieta Urtizberea.

From social to political. New forms of mobilization and democratization. Conference proceedings

In the recent evolution of contemporary social movements three phases can be identified. The first phase is marked by the labour movement and the systemic importance attributed to the labour conflict in industrial societies. This conflict has been interpreted as a consequence of the shortcoming of social integration mechanisms by Emile Durkheim, as a rational conflict by entrepreneurs’ and workers’ interests by Max Wener, and as a central class struggle for the transformation of society by Karl Marx. The second phase in this development was led by the new social movements of the post-industrial society of the 1960s and 1970s’ students, women and environmentalist movements. Two new analytical perspectives have explained these movements’ meaning and actions. Resource mobilization theory (McAdam and Tilly) has focuses on rational attitudes and conflicts. Actionalist sociology, in turn, has identified the new protagonists of social conflicts that replaced the labour movement in postindustrial societies. The third phase emerges in a world characterized by the ascendance of markets, the increasingly prominent role of financial capital flows, the closure of communities, and fundamentalism. In this context, human rights and pro-democratization movements constitute alternatives to global domination and the systemic conditioning of individual and groups.

Political Institutions, Technology and Growth: a dynamic panel approach

This paper investigates whether the effect of political institutions on sectoral economic performance is determined by the level of technological development of industries. Building on previous studies on the linkages among political institutions, technology and economic growth, we employ the dynamic panel Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) estimator for a sample of 4,134 country-industries from 61 industries and 89 countries over the 1990-2010 period. Our main findings suggest that changes of political institutions towards higher levels of democracy, political rights and civil liberties enhance economic growth in technologically developed industries. On the contrary, the same institutional changes might retard economic growth of those industries that are below a technological development threshold. Overall, these results give evidence of a technologically conditioned nature of political institutions to be growth-promoting.