Storage of sediment-associated nutrients and contaminants in river channel and floodplain systems

Samples of fine-grained channel bed sediment and overbank floodplain deposits were collected along the main channels of the Rivers Aire (and its main tributary, the River Calder) and Swale, in Yorkshire, UK, in order to investigate downstream changes in the storage and deposition of heavy metals (Cr, Cu, Pb, Zn), total P and the sum of selected PCB congeners, and to estimate the total storage of these contaminants within the main channels and floodplains of these river systems. Downstream trends in the contaminant content of the <63 μm fraction of channel bed and floodplain sediment in the study rivers are controlled mainly by the location of the main sources of the contaminants, which varies between rivers. In the Rivers Aire and Calder, the contaminant content of the <63 μm fraction of channel bed and floodplain sediment generally increases in a downstream direction, reflecting the location of the main urban and industrialized areas in the middle and lower parts of the basin. In the River Swale, the concentrations of most of the contaminants examined are approximately constant along the length of the river, due to the relatively unpolluted nature of this river. However, the Pb and Zn content of fine channel bed sediment decreases downstream, due to the location of historic metal mines in the headwaters of this river, and the effect of downstream dilution with uncontaminated sediment. The magnitude and spatial variation of contaminant storage and deposition on channel beds and floodplains are also controlled by the amount of <63 μm sediment stored on the channel bed and deposited on the floodplain during overbank events. Consequently, contaminant deposition and storage are strongly influenced by the surface area of the floodplain and channel bed. Contaminant storage on the channel beds of the study rivers is, therefore, generally greatest in the middle and lower reaches of the rivers, since channel width increases downstream. Comparisons of the estimates of total storage of specific contaminants on the channel beds of the main channel systems of the study rivers with the annual contaminant flux at the catchment outlets indicate that channel storage represents <3% of the outlet flux and is, therefore, of limited importance in regulating that flux. Similar comparisons between the annual deposition flux of specific contaminants to the floodplains of the study rivers and the annual contaminant flux at the catchment outlet, emphasise the potential importance of floodplain deposition as a conveyance loss. In the case of the River Aire the floodplain deposition flux is equivalent to between ca. 2% (PCBs) and 36% (Pb) of the outlet flux. With the exception of PCBs, for which the value is ≅0, the equivalent values for the River Swale range between 18% (P) and 95% (Pb). The study emphasises that knowledge of the fine-grained sediment delivery system operating in a river basin is an essential prerequisite for understanding the transport and storage of sediment-associated contaminants in river systems and that conveyance losses associated with floodplain deposition exert an important control on downstream contaminant fluxes and the fate of such contaminants. © 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

A nitrile-metabolising enzyme and a process for producing an acid using same

The present invention relates to an isolated nucleotide sequence and corresponding polypeptide derived from the nitrile-metabolising Pantoea strain deposited under NCIMB 41854. Said isolated polypeptide acts as a nitrilase and the invention extends to a process for producing a carboxylic acid using said isolated polypeptide to metabolise nitriles such as 3-hydroxyglutaronitrile, 3-hydroxybutyronitrile and 3- hydroxy-phenylpropionitrile to form corresponding carboxylic acids.

Explaining party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures: purposiveness and contexts

Legislative party discipline and cohesion are important phenomena in the study of political systems. Unless assumptions are made that parties are cohesive and act as unified collectivities with reasonably well-defined goals, it is really difficult, if not impossible, to consider their electoral and legislative roles usefully. But levels of legislative party cohesiveness are also important because they provide us with crucial information about how legislatures/ parliaments function and how they interact with executives/governments. Without cohesive (or disciplined) parties,1 government survival in parliamentary systems is threatened because executive and legislative powers are fused while in separated systems presidents' bases of legislative support become less stable. How do we explain varying levels of legislative party cohesion? The first part of this article draws on the purposive literature to explore the benefits and costs to legislators in democratic legislatures of joining and acting collectively and individualistically within political parties. This leads on to a discussion of various conceptual and empirical problems encountered in analysing intra-party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures on plenary votes. Finally, the article reviews the extant empirical evidence on how a multiplicity of systemic, party-levels and situational factors supposedly impact cohesion/discipline levels. The article ends with a discussion of the possibilities and limitations of building comparative models of cohesion/discipline.

Late twentieth century congressional leaders as shapers of and hostages to political context: Gingrich, Hastert, and Lott

Most contemporary explanations of congressional leadership postulate a version of contextual theory that typically places greatest emphasis on the strength of party and downplays the personal skills of individual leaders. By analyzing the leadership of just three recent individuals—Gingrich, Hastert, and Lott—this essay demonstrates the extent to which these leaders' different styles, skills, and characteristics interacted with changing political contexts and strategic environments to impact political and policy outcomes. Context matters, but so does leadership skill. Most graphically, Gingrich—a rare transforming leader in Burns' typology—demonstrates the importance of the right person and the right conditions being in place at the same time and the ability of an individual imaginative leader to intervene exogenously to have a significant effect on policy outcomes. Yet the essay also demonstrates that even where leaders adopt more conventional transactional styles, as Hastert and Lott did, the skill and success with which they juggle political pressures emanating from different, often conflicting, contexts—skills in context—also matters.

Qualified exceptionalism: the US Congress in comparative perspective

The framers of the American Constitution devised a singular bicameral legislative body, which invested substantial power in both a broadly representative lower chamber and a second "deliberative" chamber that was both insulated from the voters and unrepresentative of the population as a whole. Until the early 20th Century, the singular U.S. Congress changed little, but with growing national responsibilities, it sought to construct organizational forms that could address a consistently stronger executive. Since the 1980s, the Congress has relied increasingly on stronger parties to organize its activities. This development, embraced in turn by Democrats and Republicans, has led to changes that have edged the Congress in the direction of parliamentary democracies. We conclude this analysis has real, but limited utility, as congressional party leaders continue to barter for votes and, in the context, of narrow chamber majorities, often rely heavily on presidential assistance on divisive issues that are important to their party brand. Yet, the traditional features of the American separated system - bicameralism, the committee systems, and the centrifugal forces emanating from diverse congressional districts, increasingly complex policy issues, and the fear of electoral retribution - also remain strong, and effectively constrain the influence of leaders.'Qualified exceptionalism' thus most aptly describes the contemporary American Congress, which remains 'exceptional,' but less than unique, as it responds to many of the same forces, in some of the same ways (e.g., strong parties), as do many other representative assemblies around the world.

Presidential power and congressional acquiescence in the "war" on terrorism: a new constitutional equilibrium?

US presidents have expanded executive power in times of war and emergency,sometimes aggressively so. This article builds on the application of punctuated equilibria theory by Burnham (1999 and Ackerman (1999). Underpinning this theory is the notion that rapid changes in - or external shocks to - domestic and international society impose new and insistent demands on the state. In so doing, they produce important and decisive moments of institutional mobilization and creativity, disrupt a pre-existing, relatively stable, equilibrium between the Congress and the president, and precipitate decisions or nondecisions by the electorate and political leaders that define the contours for action when the next crisis or external shock occurs. The article suggests that the combination of President George W. Bush's presidentialist doctrine, 9/11 and the 'war' on terror has consolidated a new, constitutional equilibrium. While some members of Congress contest the new order, the Congress collectively has acquiesced in its own marginalization. The article surveys a wide range of executive power assertions and legislative retreats. It argues that power assertions generally draw on precedent: on, for example, a tradition of wartime presidential extraconstitutional leadership extending to presidents, such as John Adams and Abraham Lincoln,as well as to Cold War and post-Cold War presidentialism.