A inserção social do banco dos cocais no município de São João do Arraial - PI

Pós-graduação em Geografia - IGCE

Interview W.T. "Dub" Massey

In his April 27th, 1981 interview with Phil O’Quinn, W.T. Massey recollects his involvement in the Civil Rights Movement as one of the Friendship 9 protestors and non-violent activists. Massey retells the preparation and events leading up to the sit-in at McCrory’s lunch counter. Massey also shares the negative effects he experienced with his involvement as an activist and leader in the Civil Rights Movement, in particular, his arrest from the McCrory’s sit-in. Massey concludes his interview with advice and hope for the black community. This interview was conducted for inclusion into the Louise Pettus Archives and Special Collections Oral History Program.

Comunicação e ação política no contínuo mediático: Luhmann contra Habermas. E nós contra todos

A política para Jürgen Habermas se faz com a formação de consciências e com o investimento na linguagem, no falar cotidiano, na relação intersubjetiva. Já para Niklas Luhmann, a política se faz por si mesma, e a opinião pública não tem relação com a opinião pessoal. Não adianta investir na linguagem, porque ela é pré-social, está além dos sujeitos, nenhuma democratização pode sair daí. Mas as propostas dos dois pensadores mostram-se insuficientes para a atualidade, com suas altas tecnologias comunicacionais, pois nenhum dos modelos dá uma resposta animadora para a questão das redes, nenhuma delas visualiza um espaço mediático próprio fazendo a mediação dos sistemas, nenhuma delas dá elementos para a construção de uma teoria da comunicação tecnologicamente avançada.

As reformas necessárias ao ensino secundário brasileiro nos anos 1950, segundo a Revista Brasileira de Estudos Pedagógicos

Neste artigo, propõe-se uma análise dos artigos sobre o ensino secundário, publicados na Revista Brasileira de Estudos Pedagógicos (RBEP) ao longo dos anos de 1950. Investigam-se as críticas feitas por seus colaboradores à organização dada pela Lei Orgânica do Ensino Secundário (1942) a ramo do ensino médio, assim como as principais propostas de reforma, visando a torná-lo mais ativo, mais prático e mais popular. O objetivo principal é investigar que novo padrão de ensino secundário se projetava da combinação dos argumentos, como ideal para o ensino secundário brasileiro nos anos 1950. Tais necessidades se justificavam pela ideia de que o mundo vinha sendo regido por "novos imperativos" culturais, que a escola brasileira deveria adotar a fim de fomentar o desenvolvimento do país.

La memoria risorgimentale in Giustizia e Libertà (1929-1940)

The dissertation regards The memory on the Italian Risorgimento in “Justice and Freedom”(1929-1940) a theoretical core point in the history of the Movement, which so far has not been granted due attention. The work herewith presented is therefore aimed at filling a storiographical gap, analysing the historical events which continue to operate as traditions, raising feelings and passions and hence operating in politics, although as secondary factors. The point made is that the Justice and Freedom Movement, an antifascist political movement born in Paris in October 1929, bases its strength on the heroic choice of the antifascism movement to fight a Second Risorgimento, connecting the fight against the regime to the battles previously fought for the justice and the freedom, an entirely isolated event in the political opposition’s panorama. The dissertation, thus, attempts to explain how and why Justice and Freedom is so tightly interconnected in its political action to the Risorgimento tradition. The first chapter sets the cultural background of the foundation of the Justice and Freedom Movement. The centre of such foundation was Florence, where Gaetano Salvemini, along with a group of young people, would later on carry out some cultural experiences that ideally prepare the ground for the movement’s birth. In the second chapter are found the sites of the memory where the passage of the Risorgimento tradition between the generations takes place. The work therefore shifts from a public to a private level, concentrating on biographical paths. The choice made was for Nello Rosselli, a man very close to the Justice and Freedom Movement but who, as opposed to his comrades-in-arms, did not chose the political way to express his ethical choice, but rather the theoretical one, becoming a Risorgimento historian. The third chapter concentrates on the birth of the Justice and Freedom Movement in France, trying to reconstruct the cultural ties and the confrontation places and sites where the members of the Movement could interact with the French intellectual milieu, bringing back to light the propagandistic usage of the Risorgimento myth carried out by the Movement. Lastly, the fourth chapter focuses on the cultural debate on the Risorgimento, which took place on the press organs of the Movement, pointing out and periodizing the theoretical passages and the propagandistic uses of the myth as related to the stages of the Movement and the political needs.

Luis Arana e i veterani di Euzkeldun Batzokija: la corrente ortodossa del nazionalismo basco

La tesi di Marco Perez intitolata “Luis Arana e i veterani di Euzkeldun Batzokija: la corrente ortodossa del nazionalismo basco”, può essere considerata come la biografia politica di uno dei personaggi più importanti del nazionalismo basco. Il lavoro di ricerca si centra fondamentalmente sull'ispiratore del nazionalismo euskaldun (e cofondatore del Partido Nacionalista Vasco) e della corrente che ne accompagnò e sostenne l'azione politica. Euzkeldun Batzokija fu il nome dato al primo circolo del PNV, fondato da Luis e Sabino Arana nel 1894. Successivamente, gli statuti del circolo e i suoi membri veterani furono presi come modello del nazionalismo primordiale (che si pretendeva definire sull'esempio dell'Ordine gesuita). Sul piano organizzativo la tesi si divide in sette capitoli che ricostruiscono il percorso politico di Luis Arana, dai primi documenti del 1879 fino alle ultime lettere inviate negli anni quaranta. Si tratta di un lungo periodo, che comprende momenti diversi della storia spagnola (dalle guerre carliste alla Guerra Civile spagnola) e del movimento aranista. In questo senso, sulla base di una generale e comparata riflessione sul nazionalismo, si analizza il movimento basco nei suoi rapporti con la modernità. Una realazione costruita attraverso concetti “diacronicamente” legati a un passato mitico e leggendario e comunque subalterna ai rapporti di forza tra le correnti del PNV. La corrente ortodossa fece sempre riferimento al nazionalismo “originario” (definito dai fratelli Arana nei primi anni del movimento) che fu un'espressione regionale del nazionalcattolicesimo spagnolo. Fu proprio Luis Arana a ricordare la finalità religiosa ed etnica del nazionalismo basco, respingendo qualsiasi aggiornamento teorico e organizzativo del PNV, intesi come una grave violazione dell'ortodossia aranista.

Measuring attitudes, behaviours, and influences in inner city victims of interpersonal violence (VIVs) - a Swiss emergency room pilot study

Background Switzerland is confronted with the problem of interpersonal violence. Violence is in the increase and the potential for aggression seems to be rising. Observations by hospitals discern an appalling increase of the severity of the injuries. The aim of this study is to collect accurate information about the social environment, the motivation and possible reasons for violence. We also intend to investigate whether sociocultural, or ethnic differences among male victims exist. Materials and methods For the first time in Switzerland, this survey employed a validated questionnaire from the division of violence prevention, Atlanta, Georgia. The first part of the questionnaire addressed social and demographic factors which could influence the risk of violence: age, gender, duration of stay in Switzerland, nationality and educational level. Beside these social structural factors, the questionnaire included questions on experience of violent offences in the past, information about the most recent violent offence and intra and interpersonal facts. The questionnaire itself consists of 27 questions, translated into German and French. In a pilot study, the questionnaire was checked with adolescents for feasibility and comprehensibility. Results 69 male VIVs were interviewed at two hospitals in the Canton of Bern. Most of the adolescents emphasised that weapons were not used during their confrontations. It is astonishing that all of the young men considered themselves to be victims. Most of the brawls were incited after an exchange of verbal abuse and provocations with unfamiliar individuals. The rivals could neither be classified with the help of ethnic categories nor identifiable groups of the youth scenes. The incidents took place in scenes, where violence was more likely to happen. Interestingly and contrary to a general perception the offenders are well integrated into sport and leisure clubs. A further surprising result of our research is that the attitude towards religion differs between young men with experience of violence and non-violent men. Discussion Youth violence is a health issue, which concerns us globally. The human and economic toll of violence on victims and offenders, their families, and on society in general is high. The economic costs associated with violence-related illness and disability is estimated to be millions of Swiss francs each year. Physicians and psychologists are compelled to identify the factors, which cause young people to be violent, to find out which interventions prove to be successful, and to design effective prevention programs. The identification of effective programs depends on the availability of reliable and valid measures to assess changes in violence-related attitudes. In our efforts to create healthier communities, we need to investigate; document and do research on the causes and circumstances of youth violence.

Another Way of Saying Enough: Environmental Concern and Popular Mobilization in Kyrgyzstan

This article is a foray into the understudied issue of environmental protest politics in Central Asia. Specifically, it uses Kyrgyzstan as a case study to test the argument that environmental concerns mobilized people to engage in protest and in ways different from other kinds of protest. This essay presents the first systematic study of public opinion about the environment in Kyrgyzstan. It includes results from a 2009 nationwide survey, over 100 expert and elite interviews, and newspaper content analysis. Furthermore, it spatially analyzes these results to identify geographical variation in public perception and political event occurrence patterns. Protest engagement is a complex process determined by the interaction of several factors, and is not explained solely by affluence, rationality, or grievances. Eco-mobilization - collective political action about the environment - represents a class of protest events that offers a different view into mass discontent in the former Soviet Union and neo-patrimonial societies. The study finds that these political actions about the environment are not necessarily elite driven; there is a basic foundation of national concern and salience of these issues, and demonstrated environmental beliefs do help to explain protest behavior.

The Presidential Institution in Bulgaria, Albania and Romani: An Attempt at Comparison"

Bulgaria, Albania and Romania are all parliamentary republics with a president as head of state. Although the Albanian president is elected by Parliament, he is arguably the strongest of the three, both in terms of the powers allowed by the provisional constitution and of Mr. Berisha's political practice. The constitutional reform underway in the country will however change the status quo. In Bulgaria and Romania the presidents are elected directly by popular vote, but their powers are relatively small as compared to the democratic legitimisation implied by direct elections. Actual presidential powers should however be assessed with caution as some of them are set by law or interpretations of constitutional texts, rather than by the constitutions themselves. There is also variation in the degree to which the presidents in office have exploited their constitutional powers or taken their role as non-aligned political brokers seriously. Mr. Berisha, in particular, was in control of party politics throughout his presidency and was one of the most polarising influences on public opinion. The excessive political polarisation in all three countries has however its own logic and power. Thus Mr. Zhelev invariably supported the emergence of a political centre in Bulgaria, but this did not succeed and the policy was as damaging to his political career as the fight with would-be centrists was to Berisha's. Political practice in all three countries seems to need a presidential figure. This adds flexibility to a situation governed by hostile and mutually suspicious parties, stuck parliaments and weak or inexperienced governments. The presidents also command considerable influence on public opinion. Public opinion in Bulgaria, for example, largely supports the idea of greater power for the president, in contrast with the opinions of constitutionalists and other law-makers in the country. Under the legacy of the past, the people have a love-hate relationship with such paternalist figures. Presidents personalise politics in the public mind, but they can also become scapegoats for political failures.

Post-9/11 Terrorism Threats, News Coverage, and Public Perceptions in the United States

Terrorists, policy-makers, and terrorism scholars have long assumed that the mere threat of terrorist strikes affects societies that have experienced actual acts of terrorism. For this reason, most definitions of terrorism include the threat of violent political acts against civilians. But so far research has neither validated this conventional wisdom nor demonstrated how actual and mass-mediated threat messages by terrorists and terror alerts and threat assessments by government officials affect the public in targeted states. This paper fills the gap providing evidence that who conveys such messages matters and that mass-mediated threat messages by al Qaeda leaders and announced alerts and threat assessments by U.S. administration officials had a significant impact on the American public’s threat perceptions in the post-9/11 years.

Strengthening Families: Parents' Voices on Discipline and Child Rearing

This qualitative study conducted semi-structured, multi-session focus groups and interviews with twenty-seven participants to explore in-depth, participant constructs of child discipline and punishment methods and reasons for the continuing support for corporal punishment of U.S. children. The research assumed that parents want to parent well and utilized the strengths perspective as the instrument to listen to participants' voices. Narratives revealed that participants were thoughtful about discipline and parenting strategies and viewed their parent role as a serious commitment. Non-violent discipline strategies, particularly communication, were often used. However, parents generally framed use of physical punishment as “when children need spanking” versus articulating the view that corporal punishment is a choice. Parents were unfamiliar with risks associated with physical punishment and only three parents, as a result of their foster parent training, had ever heard, “Do not spank.” Participants enumerated services and recommendations that would support and inform their own parenting, as well as, benefit children and the eighty percent of women and men in the United States who become mothers and fathers. Recommendations included: creation of a national campaign to build on parent strengths and the intentionality of effective parenting; child development education and increased public awareness of positive discipline methods; parenting supports, including respite and venues for dialogue and discourse about parenting. Recommendations are intended to inform child welfare practice and policy, particularly child abuse prevention. Creating, funding, and implementing a national campaign as described would challenge the dominant child welfare paradigm from one currently perceived as punitive and focused on parents' deficits to a strengths-based paradigm that provides supports and assistance to parents and children.

Why babies do not feel pain, or: How structure-derived functional interpretations can go wrong

The response to pain involves a non-conscious, reflexive action and a conscious perception. According to Key (2016), consciousness — and thus pain perception — depends on a neuronal correlate that has a “unique neural architecture” as realized in the human cortex. On the basis of the “bioengineering principle that structure determines function,” Key (2016) concludes that animal species such as fish, which lack the requisite cortex-like neuroanatomical structure, are unable to feel pain. This commentary argues that the relationship between brain structure and brain function is less straightforward than suggested in Key’s target article.

An assessment of self-concept and violence within a delinquent adolescent population

The purpose of this study was to provide further data on the relationship between self-concept and violence focusing on a delinquent adolescent population. Recent research has explored the relationship between self-concept and violence with most of the research being done with adult populations. Within the literature, there are two opposing views on the question of this relationship. The traditional view supports the idea that low self-esteem is a cause of violent behavior while the non-traditional view supports the idea that high self-esteem may be a contributor to violent behavior. ^ Using a sample of 200 delinquent adolescents 100 of whom had committed acts of violence and 100 who had not, a group comparison study was done which addressed the following questions, (1) within a delinquent population of violent and non-violent adolescents, is there a relationship between violence and self-concept? (2) what is that relationship; (3) using the Piers-Harris Children's Self-Concept Scale, can it be determined that attributes such as behavior, anxiety, popularity, happiness, and physical appearance as they relate to self-concept are more predictive than others in determining who within a delinquent population will commit acts of violence. For the purposes of this study, delinquent adolescents were those who had official records of misconduct with either the school or juvenile authorities. Adolescents classified as violent were those who had committed acts such as assault, use of a weapon, use of deadly force, and sexual assault while adolescents classified as non-violent had committed anti-social acts such as, truancy, talking back and rule breaking. ^ The study concluded that there is a relationship between adolescent violence and self-concept. However, there was insufficient statistical evidence that self-concept is a predictor of violence. ^