A new history of the life and reign of the Czar Peter the Great, Emperor of all Russia, and father of his country : Giving an exact relation of I. His travels, studies, and personal fatigues, for the attaining of knowledge in civil and military affairs, and the improvement of his subjects. II. His introduction of arts and sciences, a naval force, and commerce with foreign nations; also his many reformations in church and state, the army, and the customs and manners of his people. III. His wars with the Swedes, Turks, Tartars and Persians; victories by sea and land; acquisitions of territory, and increase of power. IV. His regard to genius and merit, particularly in the instances of General Le Fort, Prince Menzikoff, and the Empress Catharine: and his severe justice on offenders, exemplified in the proceedings against the czarewitz, and others. /

By John Bancks.

Pennsylvania; political, governmental, military and civil,

[v. 1] Governmental.--[v. 2] Political.--[v. 3] Military.--[v. 4] Physical.--[v. 5] Biographical.

The Military engineer.

"Directory of members, constitution and by-laws of the Society of American military engineers. 1935" inserted in v. 27.

Porcupine's works : containing various writings and selections, exhibiting a faithful picture of the United States of America; of their governments, laws, politics and resources; of the characters of their presidents, governors, legislators, magistrates, and military men; and of the customs, manners, morals, religion, virtues and vices of the people : comprising also a complete series of historical documents and remarks, from the end of the war, in 1783, to the election of the President, in March, 1801 /

continued: ... XII. Historical documents and remarks (from December, 1799 to March, 1801) ; Trial of Cooper ; Emigration Society ; Washington's death ; Proceedings in Congress during the session which began December, 1799 ; Board of Commissioners ; Defence of the Quakers of Pennsylvania ; Farewell advertisement ; Prison eclogue ; Republican morality ; Jefferson's election ; Adam's public conduct ; Jefferson's character ; Convention concluded between America and France, in 1800 ; Proceedings in Congress during the session which ended in March, 1801 ; Index.

An elementary course of civil engineering : for the use of the cadets of the United States' Military academy /

Microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich., University Microfilms [n.d.] (American culture series, Reel 301.6)

Check list of American Revolutionary War pamphlets in the Newberry Library /

Early editions and contemporary reprints of political pamphlets, American and English, 1750-1786.

Military review.

Latest issue consulted: Vol. 86, no. 1 (Jan.-Feb. 2006).

Under fire. With the Tenth U.S. cavalry. Being a brief, comprehensive review of the negro's participation in the wars of the United States. Especially showing the valor and heroism of the negro soldiers of the Ninth and Tenth cavalries, and the Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth infantries of the regular army; as demonstrated in the decisive campaign around Santiago de Cuba, 1898 ... Thrilling episodes interestingly narrated by officers and men. Famous Indian campaigns and their results. A purely military history of the negro.

Mode of access: Internet.

Insights from Native American Veterans on Developing a Patient-Centered, Integrative Model for Mental Health Services

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

HERDEIROS DE UMA TRADIÇÃO: UMA INVESTIGAÇÃO DOS FUNDAMENTOS TEOLÓGICO- IDEOLÓGICOS DO CONSERVADORISMO METODISTA NA CRISE DA DÉCADA DE SESSENTA

Este trabalho estuda uma crise vivida pela Igreja Metodista na segunda metade da década de sessenta. Influenciado pelo ambiente político da ditadura militar, o metodismo brasileiro foi campo de um embate entre as alas liberais e conservadoras da denominação. Palco deste embate foi a Faculdade de Teologia e o II Concílio Geral Extraordinário, em 1968, além de uma série de eventos que a ele se seguiram durante os anos de 1969 e 1970. A pesquisa problematiza os fundamentos teológicos e ideológicos que fundamentaram as atitudes das alas conservadoras do metodismo neste conflito, um aspecto pouco considerado pela historiografia sobre o tema. A principal suspeita é a de que as posturas conservadoras decorreram de uma tradição centenária, trazida pelos missionários norte-americanos, quando da implantação do Protestantismo no Brasil. Esta tradição transformou-se numa espécie de Ethos do protestantismo brasileiro, entre o final do século XIX e meados do XX. A postura dos conservadores configura-se, assim, numa reação ao Ethos ameaçado por novos atores do campo religioso e pelas demandas da sociedade em conflito.(AU)

New solid bases for biodiesel synthesis

Biodiesel is a promising non-toxic and biodegradable renewable fuel, synthesized by the homogeneous base-catalyzed transesterification of vegetable oils or animal fats with methanol or ethanol. Removal of the base, typically Na or K alkoxide, after reaction is a major problem since aqueous quenching results in stable emulsions and saponification. The use of a solid base catalyst offers several process advantages including the elimination of a quenching step (and associated basic water waste) to isolate the products, and the opportunity to operate in a continuous process. The synthesis and characterization of a series of Li-doped CaO and Mg-Al hydrotalcite solid base catalysts were presented and their physicochemical properties were correlated with their activity in biodiesel synthesis. Both catalysts were effective solid bases for the transesterification of triglycerides to the methyl ester, with catalyst activity related to the electronic properties of Li and Mg dopants. This is an abstract of a paper presented at the 230th ACS National Meeting (Washington, DC 8/28/2005-9/1/2005).

Soft power as the new norm: How the Chinese-Russian strategic partnership (soft) balances American hegemony in an era of unipolarity

This study explores how great powers not allied with the United States formulate their grand strategies in a unipolar international system. Specifically, it analyzes the strategies China and Russia have developed to deal with U.S. hegemony by examining how Moscow and Beijing have responded to American intervention in Central Asia. The study argues that China and Russia have adopted a soft balancing strategy of to indirectly balance the United States at the regional level. This strategy uses normative capabilities such as soft power, alternative institutions and regionalization to offset the overwhelming material hardware of the hegemon. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is neoclassical realism. Chinese and Russian balancing efforts against the United States are based on their domestic dynamics as well as systemic constraints. Neoclassical realism provides a bridge between the internal characteristics of states and the environment which those states are situated. Because China and Russia do not have the hardware (military or economic power) to directly challenge the United States, they must resort to their software (soft power and norms) to indirectly counter American preferences and set the agenda to obtain their own interests. Neoclassical realism maintains that soft power is an extension of hard power and a reflection of the internal makeup of states. The dissertation uses the heuristic case study method to demonstrate the efficacy of soft balancing. Such case studies help to facilitate theory construction and are not necessarily the demonstrable final say on how states behave under given contexts. Nevertheless, it finds that China and Russia have increased their soft power to counterbalance the United States in certain regions of the world, Central Asia in particular. The conclusion explains how soft balancing can be integrated into the overall balance-of-power framework to explain Chinese and Russian responses to U.S. hegemony. It also suggests that an analysis of norms and soft power should be integrated into the study of grand strategy, including both foreign policy and military doctrine.

The Use of the Military for Law Enforcement Activities in Central America

Faced with the violence, criminality and insecurity now threatening peace and democratic governance in Central America, the region’s governments have decided to use the Armed Forces to carry out actions in response to criminal actions, looking to improve their performance. Although public demand for including the Armed Forces in these functions takes place within a legally legitimate framework, it is motivated by tangible circumstances such as increased levels of violence, delinquency and crime. Despite being coupled with the perception of institutional weakness within the security and judicial system (particularly police) and the recognition of prestige, efficiency, discipline and severity in fulfilling the Armed Forces’ missions, these arguments are insufficient to legitimize the use of the military as a police force. Within this context, this paper reflects on the implications or consequences of the use of the Armed Forces in duties traditionally assigned to the police in the Central American region with the goal of contributing to the debate on this topic taking place in the Americas. To achieve this end, first we will focus on understanding the actual context in which a decision is made to involve the Armed Forces in security duties in the region. Second, we will examine the effects and implications of this decision on the Armed Forces’ relations within their respective societies. Third and finally, considering this is already a reality in the region, this paper will provide recommendations. The main findings of this research, resulting from the application of an analyticaldescriptive and historically based study, are organized in three dimensions: the political dimension, by implication referring to the relationship between the ultimate political authority and the Armed Forces; the social dimension, by implication the opinion of citizens; and other implications not only affecting the structural and cultural organization of armies and police but also the complementary operational framework within a context of comprehensive response by the State. As a main conclusion, it poses there is an environment conducive to the use of the Armed Forces in citizen’s security, in view of the impact of threats provoked by criminal structures of a military nature currently operating in Central America. However, this participation creates an inevitable social and political impact if implemented in isolation or given a political leading role and/or operational autonomy. This participation poses risks to the institutions of the Armed Forces and the police as well. Finally, this paper identifies an urgent need for the Armed Forces’ role to be more clearly defined with regard to security matters, limiting it to threats that impact States’ governability and existence. Nonetheless, Central American States should seek a COMPREHENSIVE response to current crime and violence, using all necessary institutions to confront these challenges, but with defined roles and responsibilities for each and dynamic coordination to complement their actions.

Lan American Coups: Have They Vanished or Taken New Shapes?

In the following pages, three well-known Latinoamericanists share their views on the current prospects for coups in Latin America. They are: Rut Diamint of the University Torcuatto de Tella in Buenos Aires, Argentina; Pablo Policzer of the University of Calgary in Canada; and Michael Shifter of the Inter-American Dialogue in Washington, DC. Each looks at the potential for coups from different perspectives but, all three come to similar conclusions. That is, that despite substantial gains in democracy, the threat of coups in Latin America remains latent. The authors agree that democracy is growing in the region. Opinion surveys such as the Americas Barometer consistently show that citizens in Latin America have gradually incorporated democracy as part of their core value system. Yet, the authors argue convincingly that Latin America faces new types of interruptions to its democratic process that should be considered coups, even if not following the traditional style of military coup that predominated in the past. Situations that have taken place in Peru, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Honduras and other countries serve to illustrate the new trends. More specifically, Professor Diamint argues that in Latin America a culture of intolerance, demonization of the opposition, and the utilization of any method to achieve power prevails. In a region with a very high threshold of violence, governments fail to set an example of establishing a culture of debate, consensus, and transparency. This culture is inclined to uncontrollable political expressions, preferring confrontational means to resolve conflict. Within this scenario, “messianic” solutions are promoted and coups cannot be discarded as an option that would never transpire. Professor Policzer looks more closely to the constitutional loopholes that allow for a transformation of limited into absolute power. He argues that coups can be constitutional or unconstitutional, and that a constitutional coup can occur when violations to democracy actually stem from the constitutions themselves. In Honduras, for example specific provisions in the Constitution itself created conditions for a constitutional crisis; similar provisions have also led to constitutional authoritarianism in Venezuela and other countries. Dr. Policzer stresses that when a head of state or the military take absolute power, even temporarily, based on provisions in their constitutions; they are in essence staging a constitutional coup. These blind spots in constitutions, he argues, may be more serious threat to democracy than that of traditional coups. Lastly, Dr. Shifter argues that some kind of coup should be expected in Latin America in coming years, not only because fundamental institutions remain weak in some countries, but because the regional political environment is less prepared to respond effectively to transgressions than it was a few years ago. The good news, however, is that only a handful of countries, show no interest in governing. The bad news is that in those few countries where situations are indeed shaky, they are also in some cases aggravated by rising food and fuel prices, and spreading criminality, which pose serious risks to the rule of law and democratic governance.

Post-revolutionary post-modernism: Central American detective fiction by the turn of the 21st century

Contemporary Central American fiction has become a vital project of revision of the tragic events and the social conditions in the recent history of the countries from which they emerge. The literary projects of Sergio Ramirez (Nicaragua), Dante Liano (Guatemala), Horacio Castellanos Moya (El Salvador), and Ramon Fonseca Mora (Panama), are representative of the latest trends in Central American narrative. These trends conform to a new literary paradigm that consists of an amalgam of styles and discourses, which combine the testimonial, the historical, and the political with the mystery and suspense of noir thrillers. Contemporary Central American noir narrative depicts the persistent war against social injustice, violence, criminal activities, as well as the new technological advances and economic challenges of the post-war neo-liberal order that still prevails throughout the region. ^ Drawing on postmodernism theory proposed by Ihab Hassan, Linda Hutcheon and Brian MacHale, I argued that the new Central American literary paradigm exemplified by Sergio Ramirez's El cielo llora por mí, Dante Liano's El hombre de Montserrat, Horacio Castellanos Moya's El arma en el hombre and La diabla en el espejo , and Ramon Fonseca Mora's El desenterrador, are highly structured novels that display the characteristic marks of postmodern cultural expression through their ambivalence, which results from the coexistence of multiple styles and conflicting ideologies and narrative trends. The novels analyzed in this dissertation make use of a noir sensitivity in which corruption, decay and disillusionment are at their core to portray the events that shaped the modern history of the countries from which they emerge. The revolutionary armed struggle, the state of terror imposed by military regimes and the fight against drug trafficking and organized crime, are among the major themes of these contemporary works of fiction, which I have categorized as perfect examples of the post-revolutionary post-modernism Central American detective fiction at the turn of the 21st century.^