Desafíos de la gestión de áreas protegidas en espacios turísticos. Bahía de Samborombón (Buenos Aires. Argentina)

La Bahía de Samborombón (provincia de Buenos Aires, Argentina) constituye un área de interface entre el ámbito fluvial-marítimo (desembocadura del Río de la Plata en el Mar Argentino) y el terrestre. La franja litoral sur de la misma fue sistemáticamente marginada por los procesos de valorización que dominaron el territorio pampeano. Sin embargo, en los últimos 30 años se han constituido diferentes áreas protegidas, correspondientes a diversas jurisdicciones del sector público (nacional, provincial, municipal) y privado (ONGs). El objetivo de este trabajo apunta a poner de relieve las problemáticas generadas en torno a la valorización del territorio y la gestión de las mencionadas áreas protegidas, en el marco de las actividades económicas dominantes (ganadería, pesca y turismo)

Hacer escuela con palabras : Directores de escuela media frente a la desigualdad

En este artículo analizamos el papel de la escuela en la producción y reproducción de la desigualdad social, a partir de una investigación realizada en veinticuatro escuelas medias de Ciudad de Buenos Aires y las provincias de Buenos Aires, Neuquén y Salta. Centrándonos en entrevistas a directivos de las escuelas. Tomaremos como ejes de análisis la percepción de los nuevos sectores sociales que se incorporan a la escuela secundaria y el cambio de funciones educativas y la definición de horizontes para la acción escolar. Buscaremos identificar cómo aparece la desigualdad social, y debatiremos si ella no es, a su turno, producida también desde la escuela media.

Neither exit nor voice : loyalty as a survival strategy for the Uzbeks in Kazakhstan

The June 2010 conflict between the Kyrgyz and Uzbek communities in southern Kyrgyzstan once again demonstrated the complexity of the ethnic question in Central Asia. Little is known, however, about the Uzbeks in Kazakhstan, whose settlements are concentrated in the south of the republic, in areas adjacent to Uzbekistan. What problems did the Kazakhstani Uzbeks face after the collapse of the Soviet Union and how did they seek to address these issues? This paper examines the attempts of Uzbek leaders to secure their share of power in their compact settlements and how they were co-opted or marginalized under the Nazarbaev administration. This paper shows that loyalty to the regime, not migration to the ethnic homeland or political mobilization, is an option available, and also preferable, for this ethnic minority in Kazakhstan.

De la psicodelia a las cortinas del siglo XXI

Para aquellos arquitectos que trabajan hoy con nuevas variables espaciales asociadas a la era de los Media, esta tesis se establece como un tipo de guía. Se trata de una mirada organizada que nos propone dos compañeros indispensables para facilitar el viaje. El primero, ha sido siempre ocultado o marginado por la academia. Hablamos de la psicodelia con sus prácticas llamadas radicales, formando un cuerpo deliberadamente inestable que nos permite entender que un espacio sobrecargado de efectos y de límites borrosos, resultaría imposible de acotar hoy mediante las certezas de la idea de "los volúmenes bajo la luz". En este contexto nos encontramos con el concepto de expansión de conciencia, que a partir del consumo de alucinógenos o la meditación, nos permite construir un catálogo de siete "comportamientos espaciales" que a su vez, expanden nuestros los límites para enriquecer la percepción espacial. El segundo viajero, es Toyo Ito que se convierte en un exégeta involuntario del programa psicodélico. A partir de su capacidad de comprensión del intercambio de los fenómenos artificial y eléctrico con la naturaleza; Toyo Ito nos ofrece, gracias a la naturaleza de su pensamiento oriental, un entrelazado espontáneo entre la espacialidad contemporánea y esas dimensiones expansivas y ondulantes del ideario contracultural. Mediante estos dos compañeros de viaje, situamos y comprendemos mejor aquellas prácticas proyectuales que se relacionan hoy con nuevas propiedades espaciales de la materia y que trabajan con sus magnitudes imperceptibles; dando lugar a espacios que se esconden bajo etiquetas como, atmosféricos, virtuales, o enjambre entre otros. For those architects who are nowadays working with new spatial conditions associated with the era of Media, this thesis aims to establish a kirjd of guide. We propose two indispensable companions to commence the trip and to organize our perception. The first companion has always been concealed or marginalized by the academy. We are talking about of psychedelia and its radical practices, creating a deliberately unstable body that allows us to understand a space overloaded by effects, with blurry boundaries. A kind of space that refuses to be described trough the simplicity of "the volumes under the light".^ In this context, the use of hallucinogens or meditation, are behind the concept of expanded consciousness and they are assisting us, creating a catalog of seven spatial behaviors that simultaneously allows us to expand our understanding of space limits. The second passenger is Toyo Ito who becomes an involuntary exegete of the psychedelic program. Through his ability to understand the exchange between phenomena as artificiality and electricity with nature, Toyo Ito offers a spontaneous interlaced between contemporary spatiality and all these expansive and undulating magnitudes from countercultural ideology, also thanks to his Eastern mind. Through these companions for our trip, we are able to recognize and understand more deeply those architectural practices that are dealing today with new dimensions of matter today, working with its imperceptible magnitudes; magnitudes creating spaces that are concealed under labels such as, atmospheric, virtual, or "swarm" among others.

Cosmic microwave background theory

A long-standing goal of theorists has been to constrain cosmological parameters that define the structure formation theory from cosmic microwave background (CMB) anisotropy experiments and large-scale structure (LSS) observations. The status and future promise of this enterprise is described. Current band-powers in ℓ-space are consistent with a ΔT flat in frequency and broadly follow inflation-based expectations. That the levels are ∼(10−5)2 provides strong support for the gravitational instability theory, while the Far Infrared Absolute Spectrophotometer (FIRAS) constraints on energy injection rule out cosmic explosions as a dominant source of LSS. Band-powers at ℓ ≳ 100 suggest that the universe could not have re-ionized too early. To get the LSS of Cosmic Background Explorer (COBE)-normalized fluctuations right provides encouraging support that the initial fluctuation spectrum was not far off the scale invariant form that inflation models prefer: e.g., for tilted Λ cold dark matter sequences of fixed 13-Gyr age (with the Hubble constant H0 marginalized), ns = 1.17 ± 0.3 for Differential Microwave Radiometer (DMR) only; 1.15 ± 0.08 for DMR plus the SK95 experiment; 1.00 ± 0.04 for DMR plus all smaller angle experiments; 1.00 ± 0.05 when LSS constraints are included as well. The CMB alone currently gives weak constraints on Λ and moderate constraints on Ωtot, but theoretical forecasts of future long duration balloon and satellite experiments are shown which predict percent-level accuracy among a large fraction of the 10+ parameters characterizing the cosmic structure formation theory, at least if it is an inflation variant.

Igualdades e diferenças nas políticas educacionais: a agenda das diversidades nos governos Lula e Dilma

Esta pesquisa aborda as chamadas políticas de diversidade na educação e sua contribuição para o reconhecimento e a promoção dos direitos humanos e a superação do racismo, do sexismo, da homofobia e das demais desigualdades e discriminações que marcam profundamente a sociedade e a educação brasileiras. Com base nas vozes de gestores/as públicos/as e ativistas da sociedade civil, na análise documental e da execução orçamentária e na experiência política da pesquisadora, é apresentado um balanço sobre os dez anos de existência da Secretaria de Educação Continuada, Alfabetização e Diversidade (Secad), órgão do Ministério da Educação criado no primeiro governo do Presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva. Em especial, buscou-se identificar as provocações e os tensionamentos gerados pelas agendas das diversidades para o atual desenho, funcionamento e institucionalidade das políticas educacionais e sua influência nas concepções de qualidade educacional em disputa nas políticas federais. Essas disputas estiveram presentes nas Conferências Nacionais de Educação e no processo conflitivo de tramitação do novo Plano Nacional de Educação (Lei Federal n. 13.005/2014), analisados neste trabalho. Respaldado por convenções e pelas resoluções internacionais das Conferências da ONU e por normativas nacionais, o debate sobre diferenças ganhou espaço na agenda das políticas educacionais brasileiras. Essa discussão foi impulsionada por movimentos sociais negros, indígenas, LGBTs, feministas, de trabalhadores do campo, de pessoas com deficiências, de quilombolas, ambientalistas e por agendas de fronteira na efetividade do direito humano à educação, como a educação de jovens e adultos, a educação em territórios de alta vulnerabilidade social e a educação de pessoas privadas de liberdade, entre outras. Apresenta-se, neste trabalho, uma contribuição teórica ao debate sobre a relação entre qualidade educacional, diferenças e igualdades, com base nas teorias críticas de justiça social. Discutem-se as possibilidades de a noção da diversidade constituir uma resposta interseccional às múltiplas discriminações e desigualdades que atingem os sujeitos concretos no cotidiano da vida e, especificamente, nas instituições educacionais. Ao final da tese, embasadas na definição do contexto de estratégia política de Stephen Ball e nas contribuições para o aperfeiçoamento das políticas 14 previstas na metodologia de análise das políticas públicas, são apresentadas reflexões comprometidas com a ampliação da capacidade das políticas educacionais no sentido de dar respostas a essas agendas, em uma perspectiva de promoção da justiça na educação no marco dos direitos humanos.

Islamic Political Thought: Reviving a Rationalist Tradition

This work develops the foundations of an Islamic argument for secular, liberal democracy from within the Islamic discursive tradition. First, it challenges the presentation of contemporary Islamic political thought as a unified, continuous development of the classical canon by showing the influence of the now marginalized medieval rationalists in the development of Islamic political thought. The classical rationalist concern with divine justice forced the founders of Sunni orthodoxy to state their epistemologies and their positions on ethical ontology. The orthodox positions, and their related methods of legal-juristic reasoning, are shown to be incapable of accommodating the modern Islamic positions on political representation, slavery, and just war. This leads to the second argument of the work, that the modern Islamic discourse is better understood as a reflection of the central concern with justice and its rationalist epistemology and ethical ontology we find in the writings of classical rationalists. This argument is made by examining the works of three classical rationalists, a theologian, a philosopher, and a historian. Their political positions, shaped by their rationalism and concern with justice, challenged their orthodox contemporaries, and provide substantive critiques of the classical political accommodations, methods of politico-legal reasoning, and hence, of modern Islamist political projects. The final chapter reveals how far the mainstream of Islamic political thought has deviated from the classical discourses, since the 19th century, by adopting the language and ideals of the European Enlightenment. This shift is presented as a triumph of classical rationalism over literalism, whose epistemological foundations and ontological implications have yet to be acknowledged and appreciated.

The Vernacular Discourse of the "Arab Spring:" An Analysis of the Visual, the Embodied, and the Textual Rhetorics of the Karama Revolution

The Vernacular Discourse of the "Arab Spring" is a project that bridges the divide between the East and the West by offering new readings to Arab subjectivities. Through an analysis of the "Arab Spring" through the lens of vernacular discourse, it challenges the Euro-Americo-centric legacies of Orientalism in Western academia and the new wave of extremism in the Arab world by offering alternative representations of Arab bodies and subjectivities. To offer this new reading of the "Arab Spring," it explores the foundations of critical rhetoric as a theory and a practice and argues for a turn towards a critical vernacular discourse. The turn towards critical vernacular discourse is important as it urges the analyses of different artifacts produced by marginalized groups in order to understand their perspectives that have largely been foreclosed in traditional cultural studies research. Building on embodied/performative critical rhetoric, the vernacular discourses of the Arab revolutionary body examines other forms of knowledge productions that are not merely textual; more specifically, through data gathered in the Lhbib Bourguiba, Tunisia. This analysis of the political revolutionary body unveils the complexity underlining the discussion around issues of identity, agency and representation in the Middle East and North Africa, and calls for a critical study towards these issues in the region beyond the binary approach that has been practiced and applied by academics and media analysts. Hence, by analyzing vernacular discourse, this research locates a method of examining and theorizing the dialectic between agency, citizenry, and subjectivity through the study of how power structure is recreated and challenged through the use of the vernacular in revolutionary movements, as well as how marginalized groups construct their own subjectivities through the use of vernacular discourse. Therefore, highlighting the political prominence of evaluating the Arab Spring as a vernacular discourse is important in creating new ways of understanding communication in postcolonial/neocolonial settings.

Electoral Systems and Ethnic Conciliation: A Structured, Focused Analysis of Vote-Pooling in Northern Ireland Elections 1998-2011

This research project examines the role of electoral system rules in affecting the extent of conciliatory behavior and cross-ethnic coalition making in Northern Ireland. It focuses on the role of the Single Transferable Vote (STV) electoral system in shaping party and voter incentives in a post-conflict divided society. The research uses a structured, focused comparison of the four electoral cycles since the Belfast Agreement of 1998. This enables a systematic examination of each electoral cycle using a common set of criteria focused on conciliation and cross-ethnic coalition making. Whilst preference voting is assumed to benefit moderate candidates, in Northern Ireland centrist and multi-ethnic parties outside of the dominant ethnic communities have received little electoral success. In Northern Ireland the primary effect of STV has not been to encourage inter-communal voting but to facilitate intra-community and intra-party moderation. STV has encouraged the moderation of the historically extreme political parties in each of the ethnic bloc. Patterns across electoral cycles suggest that party elites from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Fein have moderated their policy positions due to the electoral system rules. Therefore they have pursued lower-preference votes from within their ethnic bloc but in doing so have marginalized parties of a multi-ethnic or non-ethnic orientation.

The Hybrid Spirit Animating Chinese Pentecostals in Malaysia

This dissertation interrogates the assertion in postcolonial scholarship, especially from the work of Homi Bhabha that the construction and performance of hybrid identities act as a form of resistance for marginalized communities against structures of oppression. While this study supports this assertion, it also critiques how hybridity fails to address issues of unequal power relations. This has led to an uncritical use of hybridity that reproduces the very idea of static identity which its proponents claim to transcend. Through qualitative study of Chinese members of a Pentecostal church in Malaysia, this study argues that church members engage in "unequal belonging" where they privilege certain elements of their identities over others. In concert with Pierre Bourdieu's conceptions of habitus, field, and capital, unequal belonging highlights how hybridity fails to capture the intersecting and competing loyalties, strategies, and complexities of identity formation on a contextual level. Unequal belonging challenges postcolonial scholars to locate the subtle workings of power and privilege that manifest even among marginalized communities. The study first situates the Chinese through an analysis of the historical legacy of British colonialism that has structured the country's current socio-political configuration along bounded categories of identification. The habitus constrains church members to accept certain Chinese ethnic markers as "givens." Although they face continuous marginalization, interviewee data demonstrates that church members negotiate their Chineseness and construct a "Modern Chinese" ethnic identity as a strategic move away from Chinese stereotypes. Moreover, conversion to Christianity affords church members access to cultural capital. Yet, it is limited and unequal capital. In particular, the "Chinese Chinese," who church members have demarcated as backward and traditional, are unable to gain access to this capital because they lack fluency in English and knowledge in modern, westernized worldviews. Unequal belonging nuances monolithic conceptions of hybridity. It demonstrates how church members' privilege of Christianity over Chineseness exposes the complex processes of power and privilege that makes westernized-English-speaking Chinese Christians culturally "higher" than non-English-speaking, non-Christian, Chinese. This study provides significant contribution to the complex aspect of hybridity where it is both a site of resistance and oppression.

El audiovisual como herramienta de cambio social de jóvenes en situación de exclusión en Guatemala (2004-2014)

The audiovisual as a tool for social change among youth in social exclusion situations in Guatemala (2004-2014)” is the title of this research paper which aims to study the organizations and projects that have worked with video tools and participatory methodology with young people in marginalized social sectors in order to improve their opportunities and social inclusion. The purpose of this study also includes the analysis of the finish video products as well as the impact of the projects on the youth participants. Guatemala is a country with deep rooted and historical social inequality. This situation is currently reflected by the high violence rates, the extreme poverty and the exclusion of populations, including youth. As social participants, young people have much to say about the construction of a future plan for the country, but they are not heard. That’s why it is so important to facilitate a youth voice and research the tools that can help reach that goal. The participatory methodologies are based on the popular education theories developed by the Latinamerican School with authors such as Paulo Freire, Juan Díaz Bordenave, Jesús Martín Barbero and Mario Kaplún, among others. These methodologies have proved to be a lateral way to face the educational process by promoting dialogue, analysis, consensus search and consciousness-raising. In addition, these methodologies provide a more democratic way to format educational processes that provide students tools to promote an active attitude towards social questions. They can develop their own role of responsibility in the improvement of their own lives and contribute to the progress of their community. This research is based on observation, an extensive bibliographical review, analysis protocols for the study of video materials and projects and closed structured interviews with facilitators and project coordinators. It includes open qualitative interviews with some selected participants and with other specialists in order to complete the necessary information to structure the historical, social and political context of Guatemala...

Acceptance and Commitment Therapy with Forensic Inpatients

This paper provides a preliminary exploration of the application of Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT) within the context of a forensic hospital. ACT has a reputation for being a clinically flexible and empirically sound therapeutic intervention, which appears uniquely suited for forensic hospital settings. However, no research has been published to date on the use of ACT as a treatment for forensic inpatients. The ACT approach directly aims to help people let go of the unwinnable struggles to control symptoms of mental illness, and instead focus on constructing a "life worth living." ACT interventions can equip forensic patients with the values and flexible behavioral repertoires necessary to lead lives that are personally meaningful and satisfying and do not involve inflicting harm to others. The ACT model also attempts to minimize the therapist-patient hierarchy through an emphasis on the ubiquitous nature of human suffering. This approach can be particularly useful when working with marginalized, treatment-resistant patients. Continued research on the application of ACT with forensic inpatients is recommended.

Cultural Politics of Resilience in Kingston, Jamaica

Recently, resilience has become a catchall solution for some of the world’s most pressing ecological, economic and social problems. This dissertation analyzes the cultural politics of resilience in Kingston, Jamaica by examining them through their purported universal principles of adaptation and flexibility. On the one hand, mainstream development regimes conceptualize resilience as a necessary and positive attribute of economies, societies and cultures if we are to survive any number of disasters or disturbances. Therefore, in Jamaican cultural and development policy resilience is championed as both a means and an end of development. On the other hand, critics of resilience see the new rollout of resilience projects as deepening neoliberalism, capitalism and new forms of governmentality because resilience projects provide the terrain for new forms of securitization and surveillance practices. These scholars argue that resilience often forecloses the possibilities to resist that which threatens us. However, rather than dismissing resilience as solely a sign of domination and governmentality, this dissertation argues that resilience must be understood as much more ambiguous and complex, rather than within binaries such as subversion vs. neoliberal and resistance vs. resilience. Overly simplistic dualities of this nature have been the dominant approach in the scholarship thus far. This dissertation provides a close analysis of resilience in both multilateral and Jamaican government policy documents, while exploring the historical and contemporary production of resilience in the lives of marginalized populations. Through three sites within Kingston, Jamaica—namely dancehall and street dances, WMW-Jamaica and the activist platform SO((U))L HQ—this dissertation demonstrates that “resilience” is best understood as an ambiguous site of power negotiations, social reproduction and survival in Jamaica today. It is often precisely this ambiguous power of ordinary resilience that is capitalized on and exploited to the detriment of vulnerable groups. At once demonstrating creative negotiation and reproduction of colonial capitalist social relations within the realms of NGO, activist work and cultural production, this dissertation demonstrates the complexity of resilience. Ultimately, this dissertation draws attention to the importance of studying spaces of cultural production in order to understand the power and limits of contemporary policy discourses and political economy. 

#DressCodePM & Re-Framing The Niqab: News Sources, Hashtag Activism, and Media Representation

This thesis originates from my interest in exploring how minorities are using social media to talk back to mainstream media. This study examines whether hashtags that trend on Twitter may impact how news stories related to minorities are covered in Canadian media. The Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper stated the niqab was “rooted in a culture that is anti-women” on 10 March 2015. The next day #DressCodePM trended in response to the PM’s niqab remarks. Using network gatekeeping theory, this study examines the types of sources quoted in the media stories published on 10 and 11 March 2015. The study’s goal is to explore whether using tweet quotes leads to the representation of a more diverse range of news sources. The study compares the types of sources quoted in stories that covered Harper’s comments without mentioning #DressCodePM versus stories that mention #DressCodePM. This study also uses Tuen A. van Dijk’s methodology of asking “who is speaking, how often and how prominently?” in order to examine whose voices have been privileged and whose voices have been marginalized in covering the niqab in Canadian media from the 1970s and until the days following the PM’s remarks. Network gatekeeping theory is applied in this study to assess whether the gated gained more power after #DressCodePM trended. The case study’s findings indicates that Caucasian male politicians were predominantly used as news sources in covering stories related to the niqab for the past 38 years in the Globe and Mail. The sourcing pattern of favouring politicians continued in Canadian print and online media on 10 March 2015 following Harper’s niqab comments. However, ordinary Canadian women, including Muslim women, were used more often than politicians as news sources in the stories about #DressCodePM that were published on 11 March 2015. The gated media users were able to gain power and attract Canadian Media’s attention by widely spreading #DressCodePM. This study draws attention to the lack of diversity of sources used in Canadian political news stories, yet this study also shows it is possible for the gated media users to amplify their voices through hashtag activism.

Redrawing Identity Boundaries through Integration Policies: Strategies of Inclusion/Exclusion of Immigrants in Québec and South Tyrol. EDAP Paper 01/2013

Following the research agenda introduced by Will Kymlicka, this qualitative study offers an interpretation of how the sub-national elites of Québec and South Tyrol police the integration of immigrants. For these national minority groups, which are constantly undergoing a process of redefinition of their collective identities by differentiating themselves from the Others who do not belong to the in-group, immigrants have progressively become the most significant Others as they are not part of the original system of compromises. This article questions how sub-national elites are handling this relatively new kind of ethnocultural diversity brought about by large-scale permanent immigration on two levels: first, the political narrative of the ruling sub-national parties, their electoral appeals, manifestos and speeches; second, the policy arrangements for the integration of immigrants in education, language and social policy. The initial approach of the article is pessimistic, as it assumes that sub-national elites will marginalize immigrants to please core nationalist supporters. In fact, the hypotheses to be tested are whether the national minority groups of Québec and South Tyrol engage in a process of reconstruction of their ethnic identity bounded by opposition to real or imagined Others – the newcomers; and whether they adopt practical measures that force newcomers to be assimilated into the group or to be marginalized. The comparison between Québec and South Tyrol provides a basic understanding of the impact of immigration in two sub-national polities that are very different, but still adopt similar political narratives and policy strategies with regard to the integration of newcomers.