Six centuries of work and wages. The history of English labour,

Mode of access: Internet.

Six centuries of work and wages. The history of English labour.

Paged continuously; v.1: 304 p.; v.2: 1 p. l., 305-591, [1] p.

La negociación colectiva antes del peronismo : El caso bonaerense (1935-1943)

Desde inicios de la década de 1970, se señaló la importancia de las experiencias sindicales previas a 1943 para comprender al peronismo. Retomando trabajos vinculados al estudio del movimiento obrero de entreguerras, este artículo aborda las características de la negociación colectiva en la provincia de Buenos Aires entre 1935 y 1943. El objetivo es analizar los espacios y los gremios afectados por esa experiencia, cuya relevancia no se circunscribió al gobierno de Manuel Fresco (1936-1940). Aún no se ha contemplado toda su importancia, considerando las posibles continuidades con los convenios colectivos desarrollados por el futuro gobierno peronista a nivel nacional

Women with banner Ban the Bomb during Peace march on Sunday April 5th 1964, Brisbane.

Women with banner Ban the Bomb during Peace march, Sunday April 5th Brisbane, Australia, 1964.

Caste, class and Trade Unionism in India

The caste system in India and its exploitative nature has been well researched (Siddique 2011 Gupta 2000). However, the role of caste in Indian employment relations and in particular its role in the labor movement in India is yet to be fully explored. The primary aim of this paper is to examine the rise of caste- based trade unions in India over the past decade. Specifically, we aim to examine why the lower-caste workers (historically treated as untouchables, referred to as ‘Dalits’and officially designated as Scheduled Caste and Tribes) are leaving established trade unions to organize their own unions along caste lines? While fragmentation of trade unions is a well-known phenomenon both in India and in the Western World (Shyam Sundar 2015; Connolly et al. 2014), the rise of caste based trade unions is a relatively new phenomenon which is yet to be fully explored. Caste based trade unionism appears to be counter-intuitive when the conventional logic suggests that unions are class based collective institutions which represent the interest of the working classes (Ramaswamy 1976). The Indian trade union movement has historically been fragmented along political ideological lines ranging from moderate unions affiliated to the Congress Party to the militant unions affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. However, the rise of caste-based trade unions of the lower caste workers is a relatively new phenomenon. Our findings from surveys and interviews with mainstream unions and caste-based trade unions suggest that the caste-based trade unions are unique in at least three ways. First, these unions are breaking away from well-established radical and militant union federations such as those affiliated to the Communist and Socialist parties. Second, these unions are predominantly organized on caste identities and not occupational identities or political ideologies. Third in unionized workplaces, lower caste workers are forming their own separate unions along caste lines with membership restricted only to workers of their own caste instead of joining the mainstream unions where present. We examine these issues using the analytical framework of Paulo Freire (1970) – dialogics, praxis and cultural oppression and relate it with the insights from comparative politics which examine the role of actors & their interests within institutions (Peters 2011).

"Ombro a ombro com os mais fracos": a inserção de João Café Filho nos espaços do trabalhador na cidade do Natal 1922 - 1937

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze how João Café Filho constituted a discourse of advocate of the labor movement and workers in different sociability spaces. It is intended to understand, on one hand, how political relations were established between different categories of workers and the ‘middle classes’ and, on the other hand, how places were instituted to house the meeting of these relations. It a ims to understand the insertion of Café Filho in union activities in the urban world. It demonstrates specificities of the political culture in Natal emphasizing the dispute between a city politically ruled by a still reigning rural paternalistic mentality and the rise of a new way to experience the urban conflicts which appeared. Temporally, the work is delimited between 1922 (proclaimed by Café Filho himself as the initial period of his political action) and 1937 (when he broke up with Vargas and went into exile in Argentina). The research was constituted by three main document types: several published newspapers between the decades of 1920 and 1930 in the cities of Natal, Recife, São Paulo, Porto Alegre and Rio de Janeiro; the autobiographical memoirs written by Café Filho himself and memoirs of other people who lived in his time. The main pillars that have supported the work were: the concepts of society and individuals (ELIAS, 1994; 1995), political cultures (BERSTEIN, 1998) and theater of the memory (GOMES, 2004); the sociability spaces category (CERTEAU, 1994; MALATIAN, 2001; RIOX, 1996); the biography notion (DOSSE, 2009; LORIGA, 2011). We demonstrated that Café Filho acted in some sociability spaces as: the Jornal do Norte, the Federação Regional do Trabalho and the Partido Democrático Nacional. In such spaces, Café Filho, gradually, become an important leader of workers and, at the same time, linked to national entities led to the opposition that fight against the power established in the Brazilian First Republic. In Café Filho’s interpretation, workers were individuals who needed to fight against the political structures prevailing at that time because the poor living conditions and the low representativeness of this group were caused by the way the political system in the First Republic was structured. After the 1930 Movement, the 3 de Outubro Club, the Jornal and the Labor Federation of Natal were constituted in spaces where the cafeista critical discourse about the government was changed: workers should follow the official syndicalism and defend the 1930 Movement which put Vargas in the presidency of the Republic.

Mestres estrangeiros; operariado nacional : resistências e derrotas no cotidiano da maior fábrica têxtil do rio de janeiro (1890 - 1920)

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Departamento de História, Programa de Pós-Graduação em História, 2015.

Derechos humanos en Costa Rica

ResumenLa historia de los derechos humanos en Costa Rica muestra una característica muy particular,por cuanto desde mucho antes de haberse promulgado la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos en 1948 ya se daban pasos en su búsqueda. Desde el siglo XlX, aunque fuera de forma clandestina o artesanal, se empezaron a hacer sentir organizaciones y distintas formas de expresión a través de las cuales denunciar las malas condiciones de vida y alcanzar algunos beneficios. En medio de circunstancias adversas y poco apropiadas los movimientos fueron aumentando de intensidad al punto de que ya para 1930 cobran más vigor, lo que se evidencia con un movimiento obrero más organizado y la conformación del Partido Comunista. La lucha por lo que hoy conocemos como derechos humanos logra alcanzar su mayor esplendor en los años de 1940 gracias a las circunstancias coyunturales que favorecieron la presencia de un gobierno reformista como el del presidente Rafael Ángel Calderón Guardia y una activa participación de la Iglesia católica a través de Mons. Víctor Sanabria. De esta forma en Costa Rica se obtuvo el paquete de garantías sociales: un código de trabajo que regulara todo lo pertinenteal trabajo y la seguridad social con la creación de la CCSS. En un tiempo prudencial y con una amplia participación social los y las costarricenses alcanzaron derechos económicos, sociales, políticos y culturales.Palabras clave: derechos humanos, legislación social, código de trabajo, movimiento obrero, Partido Comunista, Iglesia católica.AbstractThe history of Human rights in Costa Rica shows a particular characteristic because long before the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948, steps towards its search were taken in the country. Since the nineteenth century, although in a clandestine or rustic manner, different organizations and forms of expression through which expose the poor conditions of life and reach some benefits began to be felt. In the midst of adverse and inappropriate circumstances, the movements were increasing in intensity to the point that they got stronger by 1930, as evidenced with a more organized labor movement and the formation f the Communist Party. The fight we know today as human rights reaches its greatest prominence in the 1940’s thanks to temporary circumstances favoring the presence of a reformist government as that of President Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia’s, and an active participation of the Catholic Church by Bishop Víctor Sanabria. In this way Costa Rica obtained the social security package: a working code to regulate all matters related to labor and social security with the creation of the CCSS. In an appropriate manner and with broad social participation, costa ricans reached economic, social, political an cultural rights.Keywords: human rights, social legislation, Labor Code, labor movement, the Communist Party, Catholic Church. 

The gender wage gap : a comparison of Australia and Canada

Using data from the 1989 Canadian Labour Market Activity Survey and, for Australia, the 1989-90 Income Distribution Survey, the authors investigate the reasons for the significantly lower gender wage gap in Australia than in Canada. Key similarities and differences between these two countries, the authors argue, make them a good basis for a "natural experiment" to investigate the effects of different labor market institutions. In particular, Australia has a stronger union movement and a greater degree of centralization in wage determination than Canada, and most of its workers are covered by legally binding minimum working conditions. The authors conclude that several differences between the countries in labor market structure-notably, a lower rate of return to education, a lower rate of return to labor market experience, and a lower level of wage inequality in Australia than in Canada- are largely responsible for the smaller gender wage gap in Australia.

Vietnamese in Australia

Vietnamese-Australians live in Australia, a large island continent. The physical contrast between Vietnam and Australia is remarked upon by many Vietnamese in their migration stories. Whereas Vietnam is remembered as an interlinked sensual and social world, Australia is often viewed as a harsh, spacious, empty, dry continent. Australia is located in a regional Asian context, but this location has always been culturally and politically problematic, as it historically attempted to define itself as a "white" European nation in the Southern Hemisphere(Ang, 2000, p. xiii; McNamara & Coughlan, 1997, p. 1). During the Gold Rush period in the late 1800s, when there was widespread opposition to Chinese labor, Australia implemented a "White Australia" policy, although there were historically a significant number of Australians of Asian background. This exclusionary immigration policy was effectively overturned in the 1970s with the acceptance of a large number of refugees from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos in 1975. Vietnamese-Australians live predominantly in urban areas with over three quarters living in Sydney and Melbourne, the two largest cities. Within these two cities they are also highly concentrated in ethnically diverse suburbs, most living in areas with more than 1,000 residents born in Vietnam (Viviani, 1996, p. 49). However, Jupp (Jupp et al., 1990; Jupp, 1993) has argued that these areas are also zones of transition, with much movement in and out...

Quantifying northward movement rates of eastern king prawns along eastern Australia

Movement rates of eastern king prawns, Melicertus plebejus (Hess), were estimated from historical and recent conventional tag-recapture information collected across eastern Australia. Data from three studies and 2,656 tag recaptures were used. Recaptured males and females both moved east–north-east in central Queensland and north–north-east in southern Queensland and New South Wales. Over a period of one year, the estimated transition matrix reflected the species strong northerly movement and the more complex longitudinal movement, showing a very high probability of eastern movement in central Queensland and almost negligible eastern or western movement in northern New South Wales. The high exchange probability between New South Wales and Queensland waters indicated that spatial assessment models with movement rates between state jurisdictions would improve the management of this single-unit stock.

Quantifying northward movement rates of eastern king prawns along eastern Australia

Movement rates of eastern king prawns, Melicertus plebejus (Hess), were estimated from historical and recent conventional tag-recapture information collected across eastern Australia. Data from three studies and 2,656 tag recaptures were used. Recaptured males and females both moved east-north-east in central Queensland and north-north-east in southern Queensland and New South Wales. Over a period of one year, the estimated transition matrix reflected the species strong northerly movement and the more complex longitudinal movement, showing a very high probability of eastern movement in central Queensland and almost negligible eastern or western movement in northern New South Wales. The high exchange probability between New South Wales and Queensland waters indicated that spatial assessment models with movement rates between state jurisdictions would improve the management of this single-unit stock.