984 resultados para Key West
Resumo:
Corals are acclimatized to populate dynamic habitats that neighbour coral reefs. Habitats such as seagrass beds exhibit broad diel changes in temperature and pH that routinely expose corals to conditions predicted for reefs over the next 50-100 years. However, whether such acclimatization effectively enhances physiological tolerance to, and hence provides refuge against, future climate scenarios remains unknown. Also, whether corals living in low-variance habitats can tolerate present-day high-variance conditions remains untested. We experimentally examined how pH and temperature predicted for the year 2100 affects the growth and physiology of two dominant Caribbean corals (Acropora palmata and Porites astreoides) native to habitats with intrinsically low (outer-reef terrace, LV) and/or high (neighbouring seagrass, HV) environmental variance. Under present-day temperature and pH, growth and metabolic rates (calcification, respiration and photosynthesis) were unchanged for HV versus LV populations. Superimposing future climate scenarios onto the HV and LV conditions did not result in any enhanced tolerance to colonies native to HV. Calcification rates were always lower for elevated temperature and/or reduced pH. Together, these results suggest that seagrass habitats may not serve as refugia against climate change if the magnitude of future temperature and pH changes is equivalent to neighbouring reef habitats.
Resumo:
Mountaintop removal (MTR) coal mining has had a significant influence on the water sources within the Coal River watershed of West Virginia. Using an approach such as Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) may improve management for the long-term protection and sustainability of the Coal River watershed‰Ûªs water resources. This Capstone project analyzes current site-specific information related to water quality and quantity and the impacts of MTR in the region, reviews current management challenges, and identifies key stakeholders to be included in IWRM planning. This information provided a foundation for the development of a preliminary IWRM coordination plan for the Coal River watershed based on IWRM principles and guidelines. It is hoped that this preliminary plan will contribute to the development of a final coordinated IWRM plan.
Resumo:
Trade is a key element of the development policy of the European Union (EU). As the most important trading partner of developing countries, the EU attempts to facilitate the participation of developing countries in global trade and contribute to economic growth through providing market access and financial assistance. For twenty-five years, the commitment of the EU was largely focused on its former colonies, more specifically in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific (ACP). The developing world, in terms of the EU’s trade policy, was therefore divided between ACP states with special provisions under the Lomé Conventions and all other developing countries. With the new millennium, this special relationship came to an end. Pressure from several member states1 and the World Trade Organization (WTO) led to an overhaul of the EU’s trade regime vis-à-vis developing countries and to the loss of the privileged position of ACP countries. The result of this overhaul is still pending. Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) – to be negotiated between the EU and several ACP regions – have only been realized in the Caribbean. This article will to examine the negotiations between the EU and West Africa and discuss the interests involved on the African side. Following the introduction, the second part of this article is dedicated to the Lomé Conventions with a focus on the change occurring from the third to the fourth revision in order to understand the current situation. The third part is going to take a look at the Cotonou agreement and the trade regime of the EU in general before turning to the negotiations for an Economic Partnership Agreement between the EU and West Africa. The conclusion summarizes the main findings.
Resumo:
The goal of this publication is to attempt to assess the thirteen years (2001- -2014) of the West’s military presence in the countries of post-Soviet Central Asia, closely associated with the ISAF and OEF-A (Operation Enduring Freedom – Afghanistan) missions in Afghanistan. There will also be an analysis of the actual challenges for the region’s stability after 2014. The current and future security architecture in Central Asia will also be looked at closely, as will the actual capabilities to counteract the most serious threats within its framework. The need to separately handle the security system in Central Asia and security as such is dictated by the particularities of political situation in the region, the key mechanism of which is geopolitics understood as global superpower rivalry for influence with a secondary or even instrumental role of the five regional states, while ignoring their internal problems. Such an approach is especially present in Russia’s perception of Central Asia, as it views security issues in geopolitical categories. Because of this, security analysis in the Central Asian region requires a broader geopolitical context, which was taken into account in this publication. The first part investigates the impact of the Western (primarily US) military and political presence on the region’s geopolitical architecture between 2001 and 2014. The second chapter is an attempt to take an objective look at the real challenges to regional security after the withdrawal of the coalition forces from Afghanistan, while the third chapter is dedicated to analysing the probable course of events in the security dimension following 2014. The accuracy of predictions time-wise included in the below publication does not exceed three to five years due to the dynamic developments in Central Asia and its immediate vicinity (the former Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran), and because of the large degree of unpredictability of policies of one of the key regional actors – Russia (both in the terms of its activity on the international arena, and its internal developments).
Resumo:
Azerbaijan’s cooperation with the West, launched two decades ago, has helped it become a relatively strong and ambitious actor on the international stage. It has become a key country in the region from the Western (USA and the EU) and Turkish points of view, as well as an important partner in the energy sector. The strategic EU concept of the Southern Gas Corridor, also supported by the United States, is among the initiatives based on cooperation with Azerbaijan. Surprisingly, however, Azerbaijan’s increased ambition and importance have caused its policy to diverge ever farther from the expectations and plans formulated by the West. The changes in the balance of power in the South Caucasus, occurring in the context of the conflict in Ukraine, have forced Azerbaijan to revise its assessment of its position in the region. The main impetus for Azerbaijan’s actions is fear of Russia, as well as the weakness of the West which has become particularly apparent in the recent stages of the Ukrainian crisis. Azerbaijan’s actions so far have displayed its tendency to deepen its self-isolation in foreign affairs and consolidate its authoritarian system. This comes as a challenge to the West, whose ability to shape its relations with Azerbaijan has weakened considerably. This state of affairs poses the threat that in the current situation, the Southern Gas Corridor concept, which Azerbaijan amended in 2012 in its own favour, might become totally blocked.
Resumo:
Under Vladimir Putin's rule, Russia consistently and systematically expanded its activity in Asia, establishing closer political contacts with key countries in the region, rebuilding relations with former allies from Soviet times, and strengthening its presence in the Asian markets, in the energy sphere also. These activities were accompanied by intensive Russian propaganda, the message of which was that relations with the West can be restricted in favour of developing closer relations with Asian states. A justified question concerning the Russian Federation's realistic possibilities arises in this context: To what extent can it make Asia an alternative to theWest in geopolitical, economic and energy terms? Can Russia build an anti-Western alliance with Asian states? Is it able to reduce its dependence on the European market by developing its trade with Asia? Is it possible to redirect a substantial portion of Russian energy resource exports onto Asian markets? A presentation of the existing ties between Russia and theWest (here considered as the USA and the EU) will serve as a starting point for answering these questions. The following chapters will analyse Russia's opportunities in Asia in terms of geopolitical issues, the economy and energy
Resumo:
Six sites were drilled on the southern Iberia Abyssal Plain during Ocean Drilling Program (ODP) Leg 173. Three holes (1067A, 1068A, and 1069A) recovered Eocene sediments consisting of thinly bedded turbidite deposits with interbedded hemipelagic sediments (Bouma sequence Te) deposited near the calcite compensation depth. The hemipelagic sediments are barren of nannofossils, necessitating the use of the turbidite deposits to erect an Eocene biostratigraphy for these holes. Moderately preserved, diverse assemblages of nannofossils were recovered from silty clays (Bouma sequence Td) and poorly preserved, less diverse assemblages were recovered from sandy/silty clays (Bouma sequence Tc). Hole 1067A has a continuous record of sedimentation (Subzones CP9a-CP14a) and Holes 1068A and 1069A have similar continuous records (Subzones CP9a-CP12a), although all holes contain barren intervals. Holes 1067A, 1068A, 1069A, 900A (ODP Leg 149), and 398D (Deep Sea Drilling Project Leg 47B) display a similar increase in mass accumulation rates in the lowermost middle Eocene. A reliable Eocene biostratigraphy has been erected using nannofossil data from turbidite sequences, allowing for correlation between Iberia Abyssal Plain sites.
Resumo:
The continuous plankton recorder (CPR) survey is an upper layer plankton monitoring program that has regularly collected samples, at monthly intervals, in the North Atlantic and adjacent seas since 1946. Water from approximately 6 m depth enters the CPR through a small aperture at the front of the sampler and travels down a tunnel where it passes through a silk filtering mesh of 270 µm before exiting at the back of the CPR. The plankton filtered on the silk is analyzed in sections corresponding to 10 nautical miles (approx. 3 m**3 of seawater filtered) and the plankton microscopically identified (Richardson et al., 2006 and reference therein). In the present study we used the CPR data to investigate the current basin scale distribution of C. finmarchicus (C5-C6), C. helgolandicus (C5-C6), C. hyperboreus (C5-C6), Pseudocalanus spp. (C6), Oithona spp. (C1-C6), total Euphausiida, total Thecosomata and the presence/absence of Cnidaria and the Phytoplankton Colour Index (PCI). The PCI, which is a visual assessment of the greenness of the silk, is used as an indicator of the distribution of total phytoplankton biomass across the Atlantic basin (Batten et al., 2003). Monthly data collected between 2000 and 2009 were gridded using the inverse-distance interpolation method, in which the interpolated values were the nodes of a 2 degree by 2 degree grid. The resulting twelve monthly matrices were then averaged within the year and in the case of the zooplankton the data were log-transformed (i.e. log10 (x+1).
Resumo:
Analyses of the War in Afghanistan frequently mention the declining or shaky domestic support for the conflict in the United States and among several U.S. allies. This paper dates the beginning of this decline back to the resurgence of the Taliban in 2005-06 and suggests that the deteriorating course of the war on the ground in Afghanistan itself along with mounting casualties is the key reason behind this drop in domestic support for the war.