544 resultados para Germania, Enigma, Hollerith


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Inscription: Saginaw, Mich., 1901

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On mat: John R. Nichols, Saginaw, Mich.

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Zwei Stationennamen am Niederrhein. Onomathologisches zu Asciburgium. Mit einem Beitrage von T. Siebs. Castra Herculis, eine Station zwischen Leyden und Nymwegen.--Almanni Stamm- und Volksname.

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Words in English and Italian.

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Imprint varies: Jan. 1900-Sept. 1906, Lebanon, Pa., P.C. Croll.--Oct. 1906-Mar. 1909, East Greenville, Pa., H.W. Kriebel.--Apr. 1909-Dec. 1911, Lititz, Pa., H.W. Kriebel.--Jan. 1912- Cleona, Pa., H.W. Kriebel.

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Nos proponemos en estas líneas rastrear algunas de las formas en las que se presenta el problema del conocimiento en T. W. Adorno. Más específicamente nos preguntamos si en los escritos juveniles puede encontrarse una idea de dialéctica. Esta pregunta se aborda siendo concientes de la violencia que este pensador reconoce en la consideración de un método para el conocimiento. En vistas a nuestro objetivo nos remitiremos a ciertas reflexiones de su juventud que aparecen expresadas en "La actualidad de la filosofía" (1931) y "La idea de historia natural" (1932). Esbozaremos, de este modo, las especificidades de esta primera aproximación a la dialéctica en las conferencias en cuestión. Para recorrer estos textos sugerimos una lectura que se apoya en la proximidad con algunas reflexiones que Benjamin realiza en El origen del drama barroco alemán

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Nos proponemos en estas líneas rastrear algunas de las formas en las que se presenta el problema del conocimiento en T. W. Adorno. Más específicamente nos preguntamos si en los escritos juveniles puede encontrarse una idea de dialéctica. Esta pregunta se aborda siendo concientes de la violencia que este pensador reconoce en la consideración de un método para el conocimiento. En vistas a nuestro objetivo nos remitiremos a ciertas reflexiones de su juventud que aparecen expresadas en "La actualidad de la filosofía" (1931) y "La idea de historia natural" (1932). Esbozaremos, de este modo, las especificidades de esta primera aproximación a la dialéctica en las conferencias en cuestión. Para recorrer estos textos sugerimos una lectura que se apoya en la proximidad con algunas reflexiones que Benjamin realiza en El origen del drama barroco alemán

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Few names resonate more loudly from the French Fourth Republic than that of Pierre Poujade, and few terms exude such a sulfurous odour as le poujadisme. Between 1953 and 1958, the Poujadists secured their place in modern French history, winning 52 seats in the National Assembly and inscribing a lasting entry in the lexicon of political protest. Taking as its starting point the fiftieth anniversary of Poujade’s movement held in its birthplace of Saint-Céré in July 2003, this article reassesses Poujadism fifty years on from its heyday. It considers Poujadism as the first important anti-globalisation movement in post-war France, a locus for the conflict between ‘stalemate’ traditionalism and socio-economic modernisation. It examines the trajectory of the Poujadists from anti-tax movement to political party, arguing the difficulty of defining Poujadism in classic political terms. In particular, the article takes issue with the perception of Poujadism as an extreme-right ideology and interprets it instead as a form of populist protest lacking a solid doctrinal core and opportunistic in its exploitation of political issues and allies. As such, it is argued, Poujadism represents a complex synthesis of both right-wing and left-wing values and discourses, as impervious to definition today as it was fifty years ago. The article considers the brief alliance of convenience between Poujade and Le Pen, and locates in Le Pen’s early Poujadist experience some of the methods and even some of the arguments used by the FN today. It concludes by discussing Poujade’s political activities after 1958, tracing his long-term conversion from violent opposition to the State under the Fourth Republic to co-operation under the Fifth. The author draws here on correspondence with Pierre Poujade up until his death in August 2003.

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Germany, Italy and Japan were engaged in China from the turn of the 20th century to WWII. However, they formed an anti-Chinese alliance only at the final stage of their presence there, when Japan assumed an undisputed role of leader in the region. Despite its alliance with the Axis powers, Japan never implemented racial laws against the Jews in China. All of them took part in the Boxer Upraising suppression and received as a consequence extraterritorial rights and concessions. Moreover, Japan won the war against China in 1895 and transformed itself from a tributary country of China into an imperialistic power. It took possession of Taiwan and in the 1930s established a puppet government in Manchuria.Germany followed different route obtaining as indemnity for the murders of two missionaries the control of the Shandong province, which was later expanded thanks to the anti-Boxer coalition's victory. However, Germany lost all possessions when China entered WWI. The issue of Shandong was finally resolved at the Conference for Disarmament hold in Washington in 1921-2. Japan failed to gain ex-Germany territories. Finally, Italy arrived in the Far East at the turn of the century but was not very interested in the oriental colonialism to the same extent it was interested in Africa. Tianjin was its only concession in China, and it took almost a decade before a subvention to arrive from the Italian government for its development.In the 1920s and 1930s Germany and Italy engaged in successful diplomatic, commercial and military relationships with China. In fact, both were considered China's partners thanks to their experts at the service of the Chinese government. On the other hand, Japan position was opposite to them, because of its plans of aggression towards China which was to be transformed into “the natural extension” of the mainland. In 1935 Italy declared war on Ethiopia and abandoned the seat at the League of Nations. China interpreted the Italian aggression as the endorsement of Japan's politics towards China in Manchuria, and the relations between the two countries were broken off. After that Italy supported Wang Jingwei's puppet government during the Japanese occupation of China. Germany followed the same path in 1937, when it was evident that the Japanese were playing the leading role in the region, and decided to ally with Wang Jingwei too. Both Italy and Germany decided also to recognise the Manzhuguo and established diplomatic relations, definitively turning their backs on the old Chinese ally.The Rome-Berlin-Tokyo Axis sealed the alliance among the three countries, and it confirmed Japan as the leading power in the region. Nevertheless Japan did not apply the racial law against the Jews in China.

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hrsg. im Auftr. der Ges. zur Förderung der Wiss. des Judentums von M. Brann und A. Freimann