Introduction to special issue on what criminology can say about the war on terror

On 20 September 2001, the former US President, George W. Bush, declared what is now widely, and arguably infamously, known as a ‘war on terror’. In response to the fatal 9/11 attacks in New York and Washington, DC, President Bush identified the US military response as having far-reaching and long-lasting consequences. It was, he argued, ‘our war on terror’ that began ‘with al Qaeda, but … it will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped and defeated’ (CNN 2001). This was to be a war that would, in the words of former British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, seek to eliminate a threat that was ‘aimed at the whole democratic world’ (Blair 2001). Blair claimed that this threat is of such magnitude that unprecedented measures would need to be taken to uphold freedom and security. Blair would later admit that it was a war that ‘divided the country’ and was based on evidence ‘about Saddam having actual biological and chemical weapons, as opposed to the capability to develop them, has turned out to be wrong’ (Blair 2004). The failures of intelligence ushered in new political rhetoric in the form of ‘trust me’ because ‘instinct is no science’ (Blair 2004). The war on terror has been one of the most significant international events in the past three decades, alongside the collapse of the former Soviet Union, the end of apartheid in South Africa, the unification of Europe and the marketization of the People's Republic of China. Yet, unlike the other events, it will not be remembered for advancing democracy or sovereignty, but for the conviction politics of particular politicians who chose to dispense with international law and custom in pursuit of personal instincts that proved fatal. Since the invasions of Afghanistan in October 2001 and …

Judah P. Benjamin collection, undated, 1838-1942.

The collection consists of 25 letters written by Benjamin between 1838 and 1881 on a variety of subjects, four Confederate notes and two bonds bearing his picture, miscellaneous items about Benjamin (1893-1942), nine issues of the Congressional globe with speeches by Benjamin, as well as separate copies of his printed speeches, and a photostatic copy of the "Diary of Events" (400 pp.) kept by Benjamin, the original of which is in the Library of Congress (1862-1864).

Valkoisen talon kappalaiset : Yhdysvaltain presidentti-instituution viralliset puheet retorisena kansalaisuskontona

Tutkimuksen aihepiirinä on viimeaikaisen (1997-2004) Yhdysvaltain presidentti-instituution uskonnollinen retoriikka William J. Clintonin ja George W. Bushin virkakausina. Tutkimuksen tehtävä on selvittää, miten presidentti-instituutio hyödyntää uskonnollista retoriikkaa legimitaationa virallisissa poliittisissa linjanvetopuheissaan, kuten virkaanastujais- ja liittovaltion tila -puheissaan. Tutkimustehtävä jakautuu seuraaviin alakysymyksiin: 1) Millaisilla kansalaisuskonnollisilla käsityksillä ja keinoilla legimitaatiota yritetään tuottaa? 2) Ovatko kansalaisuskonnon keinot viimeaikaisten presidenttien keskeisintä työvälineistöä identifioinnissa ja erottautumisissa? 3) Ovatko kansalaisuskonnolliset teemat naturalisoituneet, luonnollistuneet? Tiivistetysti on tarkoitus tutkia viimeaikaisten presidenttien virallisista puheiden kautta, kuinka uskonto ja valtio liittyvät toisiinsa. Perusolettamukseni on, että presidentit hyödyntävät keskeisesti kansalaisuskonnollista retoriikkaa vakuuttaakseen yleisönsä ja politiikkansa. Tutkimusaineisto koostuu koostuu kahden Yhdysvaltain presidentin William J. Clintonin (1993-2001) ja George W. Bushin (2001-) presidenttien virallisista puheista, jotka on pidetty vuosina 1997-2004. Viralliset puheet ovat virkaanastujais- (Inaugural Address) ja vuosittaiset liittovaltion tila -puheet (Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on the State of the Union). Puheita on kymmenen ja niiden pituus on keskimäärin viisi sivua. Tutkielman teoreettinen viitekehys tukeutuu kanadalaisen uskontososiologin Marcela Cristin uudenlaiselle käsitykselle (2001) kansalaisuskonnosta poliittisena uskontona. Tämä hyödyntää kansalaisuskonnon durkheimilaista taustaa yhdistäen Jean-Jacques Rousseuaun religion civile-teesiä. Cristin mukaan kansalaisuskonto manifestoituu kahdella tavalla: sekä durkheimilaisena kulttuurisena kansalaismuotona (civil) ja rousseualaisena ideologiana (political). Nämä eivät hänen mukaansa ole toisilleen vastakohtia, vaan yhden jatkumon osia. Tutkielman metodologinen lähestymistapa on uusretorinen analyysi ja teoreettis-medologisena viitekehyksenä on sosiaalinen konstruktivismi. Analyysin perusolettamus on, että presidentti-instituution luomassa merkityksen rakennetaan sosiaalisesta todellisuutta. Instituution retoriikka suuntautuu tiettyyn sosiaaliseen yhteisöön yrittäen legimitoida mahdollisimman laajaa joukkoa politiikkansa taakse. Analyysin tuloksena huomattiin, että presidentti-instituutio hyödyntää aktiivisesti kansalaisuskonnollisia teemoja. Molempien presidentti-instituutioiden uskonnollisessa nationalismissa hyödynnetään kansalaisuskonnollisuuden sekä protestanttis-puritaanista että valistuksellista taustaa. Kyse on oikeastaan siitä,kuinka nämä puolet saavat painotuksensa. Selvää on, että molemmat presidentit hyödyntävät kaikkia kansalaisuskonnollisuuden kolmea ulottuvuutta. Molemmilta löytyy retorinen tukeutuminen transsendenssiin, moraalistinen yhteisöllisyyden vaatimus. Clintonin uskonnollinen retoriikkaa jakaantuu kahteen ulkoisesti ristiriitaiseen käsitteelliseen linssiin: lupauksellisuus ja perustajallisuus. Ne yhdistyvät hänen nimittämisissään millenniaaliseksi yhteisöksi. Bushin uskonnollinen retoriikka tukeutuu transsendenttiseen ulottuvuuteen. Hänen käsitteelisiä linssejä ovat aktiivisen Jumalan monet roolit ja ajan siunauksellisuus. (Ks. luku 8. johtopäätökset ja jatkotutkimus.) Avainsanat: Yhdysvallat, presidentti-instituutio, kansalaisuskonto, uskonnollinen retoriikka, William J. Clinton, George W.Bush

We Are All Georgians : The Neoconservative Narrative on the Russia-Georgia War

In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

Muuttuva ja pysyvä suurvalta. Yhdysvallat suomalaisten sanomalehtien kommentoivissa teksteissä erilaisina maailmanpoliittisina kausina

Tutkielman tarkoituksena on tarkastella sitä muutosta, jonka Yhdysvallat käy läpi suomalaisten sanomalehtien kommentoivissa teksteissä lähihistorian aikana. Tarkemmin ilmaistuna, tarkoituksena on ollut selvittää, näyttäytyykö Yhdysvallat suomalaisissa sanomalehtikommenteissa pelkästään maailmanpoliittisten muutosten ja presidenttien vaihdosten valossa vai onko mukana jonkin pidempi, historiallinen tematiikka, jolla Yhdysvalloista normaalisti kirjoitetaan ja jolla presidentin linjapuhetta kommentoidaan. Tutkimuksen näkökulmana ja samalla metodologisena viitekehyksenä on diskurssianalyysin ja sosiaalisen konstruktionismin näkökulma. Tarkoituksena on tarkastella kommentoivia tekstejä, ei pelkästään sosiaalisen todellisuuden tapahtumia raportoivina tai heijastavina, vaan myös sosiaalista todellisuutta rakentavina. Koska diskurssianalyysi ei itsessään ole selkeä tai yhtenäinen analyysimenetelmä, työssä on käytetty menetelmällisenä työkaluna kriittisen lingvistiikan analyysitapaa. Tutkimusaineistoa on analysoitu erityisesti Vesa Heikkisen (1999) ja Sari Pietikäisen (2000) analyysitapoja hyödyntäen. Tärkeimpinä teoreettisina taustaoletuksina edellisten tavoin myös tässä tutkielmassa ovat diskurssianalyysin eri suuntauksia edustavat lähteet kuten Faircloughn (1992, 1997, 2003) sekä van Dijkin (1985, 1999) ja Gunther Kressin (1985) näkemykset tästä lähestymistavasta. Koska tutkittava ilmiö kiinnittyy niin sanomalehtien pääkirjoitusten kuin poliittisen historiankin konteksteihin, on ilmiön taustoittamiseksi ja johtopäätösten tueksi nojattu myös esimerkiksi Salovaara-Moringin (2004, 2009), Rusin (2003), Jakobsonin (1998, 2005) ja Hemánuksen (1972, 1983) ajatuksiin. Tutkielman aineisto on rajattu viimeisten 25 vuoden ajalle siten, että on poimittu neljä maailmanpoliittisten muutosten tai Yhdysvaltain presidentin vaihdosten kannalta olennaista aikakautta. Samalla on noudatettu suurimmalta osalta myös sen kansainvälisen tutkimusprojektin rajauksia, jonka osana tämä tutkielma syntyi. Tutkimusaineistoa on siten kerätty vuosilta 1984, 1994, 2004 sekä 2010. Mukaan on kyseisiltä vuosilta otettu Yhdysvaltain presidentin pitämän linjapuheen pitopäivästä kaksi viikkoa eteenpäin kestävä periodi, jonka ajalta on kerätty neljän suomalaisen sanomalehden kommentoivat tekstit, pääkirjoitukset, kolumnit ja tausta-artikkelit, joissa otetaan kantaa Yhdysvaltain presidentin pitämään vuosittaiseen linjapuheeseen. Tutkimusaineiston valossa Yhdysvallat näyttäytyy suomalaisten sanomalehtikommentaattoreiden teksteissä toisaalta muuttuvana, mutta samalla myös muuttumattomana suurvaltana. Maailmanpoliittinen muutos – siirtymä kylmästä sodasta yhden suurvallan aikaan näkyy suomalaisessa kommentoinnissa. Samoin näyttäytyy selkeänä kahden erilaisen presidentin, George W. Bushin ja Barack Obaman vastaanotto. Toisaalta aineistossa ei näy pelkästään muutos, vaan Yhdysvallat on suomalaisille kommentoijille myös muuttumaton suurvalta jolta odotetaan paljon ja jota kritisoidaan sen mukaan – aikakaudesta riippuen joko suomalaisesta tai eurooppalaisesta positiosta käsin.

We Are All Georgians: The Neoconservative Narrative on the Russia-Georgia War

In this thesis I examine the U.S. foreign policy discussion that followed the war between Russia and Georgia in August 2008. In the politically charged setting that preceded the presidential elections, the subject of the debate was not only Washington's response to the crisis in the Caucasus but, more generally, the direction of U.S. foreign policy after the presidency of George W. Bush. As of November 2010, the reasons for and consequences of the Russia-Georgia war continue to be contested. My thesis demonstrates that there were already a number of different stories about the conflict immediately after the outbreak of hostilities. I want to argue that among these stories one can discern a “neoconservative narrative” that described the war as a confrontation between the East and the West and considered it as a test for Washington’s global leadership. I draw on the theory of securitization, particularly on a framework introduced by Holger Stritzel. Accordingly, I consider statements about the conflict as “threat texts” and analyze these based on the existing discursive context, the performative force of the threat texts and the positional power of the actors presenting them. My thesis suggests that a notion of narrativity can complement Stritzel’s securitization framework and take it further. Threat texts are established as narratives by attaching causal connections, meaning and actorship to the discourse. By focusing on this process I want to shed light on the relationship between the text and the context, capture the time dimension of a speech act articulation and help to explain how some interpretations of the conflict are privileged and others marginalized. I develop the theoretical discussion through an empirical analysis of the neoconservative narrative. Drawing on Stritzel’s framework, I argue that the internal logic of the narrative which was presented as self-evident can be analyzed in its historicity. Asking what was perceived to be at stake in the conflict, how the narrative was formed and what purposes it served also reveals the possibility for alternative explanations. My main source material consists of transcripts of think tank seminars organized in Washington, D.C. in August 2008. In addition, I resort to the foreign policy discussion in the mainstream media.

B Physics: WHEPP-XI working group report

We present the report of the B physics working group of the Workshop on High Energy Physics Phenomenology (WHEPP-XI), held at the Physical Research Laboratory, Ahmedabad, in January 2010.

PICES Science: the first ten years and a look to the future

Introduction [pdf, 0.17 MB] Warren S. Wooster [pdf, 0.12 MB] PICES - the first decade, and beyond Paul H. LeBlond [pdf, 0.03 MB] The Physical Oceanography and Climate Committee: The first decade D.E. Harrison and Neville Smith [pdf, 0.04 MB] Ocean observing systems and prediction - the next ten years Tsutomu Ikeda and Patricia A. Wheeler [pdf, 0.85 MB] Ocean impacts from the bottom of the food web to the top: Biological Oceanography Committee (BIO) retrospective Timothy R. Parsons [pdf, 0.2 MB] Future needs for biological oceanographic studies in the Pacific Ocean Douglas E. Hay, Richard J. Beamish, George W. Boehlert, Vladimir I. Radchenko, Qi-Sheng Tang, Tokio Wada, Daniel W. Ware and Chang-Ik Zhang [pdf, 0.2 MB] Ten years FIS in PICES: An introspective, retrospective, critical and constructive review of fishery science in PICES Richard F. Addison, John E. Stein and Alexander V. Tkalin [pdf, 0.12 MB] Marine Environmental Committee in review Robie W. Macdonald, Brian Morton, Richard F. Addison and Sophia C. Johannessen [pdf, 1.89 MB] Marine environmental contaminant issues in the North Pacific: What are the dangers and how do we identify them? R. Ian Perry, Anne B. Hollowed and Takashige Sugimoto [pdf, 0.36 MB] The PICES Climate Change and Carrying Capacity Program: Why, how, and what next? List of acronyms [pdf, 0.07 MB] (Document contains 108 pages)

Environment and resources of seamounts in the North Pacific: Proceedings of a workshop, March 21-23, 1984, Shimizu, Japan

The trawl fishery for pelagic annorhead, Pseuaopentaceros wheeleri(fonnerly referred to as Pentaceros richardsoni), and alfonsin, Beryx splendens, over the central North Pacific seamounts has a relatively short history. Before 1967, fishery scientists were generally unaware of the resources on seamounts; however, the discovery of commercial concentrations of pelagic armorhead on seamounts in the southern Emperor Seamounts by a Russian commercial trawler in November 1967 led to almost immediate exploitation of the species by the Soviets. Unconfinned reports indicated that the schools of pelagic annorhead on the seamounts averaged 30 m thick and catches averaged from 3 to 50 metric tons on 10-20 min hauls (Sakiura 1972). Japanese trawlers entered the fishery in 1969. To assist in the development of this tishery, Japanese research vessels conducted extensive surveys in 1972 on the distribution and potential for development ofthe pelagic armorhead and alfonsin resources. The results of their surveys to the central North Pacific and mid-Pacific seamounts showed that many had summits that were too deep for trawling. Those found suitable were concentrated in the southern Emperor-northern Hawaiian Ridge. (PDF file contains 113 pages.)

The Fisheries of Hawaii and U.S.-associated Pacific Islands

In the late 1980's and early 1990's, significant changes occurred in the fisheries of Hawaii. Expansion and diversification of pelagic fisheries and growth (including industrialization) of fisheries that, in at least some cases, had been largely recreational or artisanall ed to fear of overfishing and problems in allocation among fishery sectors. Combined with establishment of limited entry programs in Hawaii fisheries (bottomfish, longline, and lobster), this led to anticipation that similar growth might occur in Guam, the Northern Marianas, and American Samoa.

Fisheries and Marine Resources of Hawaii and the U.S.-associated Pacific Islands: An Introduction

The fisheries of Hawaii and other U.S.-associated islands in the Pacific Ocean are characterized by high diversity, both in the species exploited and the human cultures that exploit them. The commercial sector has undergone rapid growth in recent years, but recreational and subsistence sectors remain important. Information on these fisheries is generally not available in published form. This paper presents an overview and introduction to a volume of papers describing fisheries in the region, with the goal of making the information available to scientists and the general public. A great deal remains to be learned about the dynamics of these fisheries as well as the associated issues in biological research, fisheries management, and environmental protection.

Os efeitos políticos da securitização internacional do terrorismo pós-11/09: o caso da Organização de Cooperação de Xangai

Esta dissertação trata do que se entende como terrorismo após os atentados de setembro de 2001, seja como lógica de ação ou como método de ação. A partir desta data, o terrorismo alcançou enorme projeção e passou a figurar como tema central tanto na imprensa cotidiana quanto em reuniões internacionais de cúpula. O fenômeno era, muitas vezes, historicamente circunscrito às nações que enfrentavam esse problema. Após o Onze de Setembro, o debate expandiu-se e as políticas, e a propaganda, antiterroristas incidiram sobre a sociedade, modificando comportamentos individuais e coletivos. A associação entre Islamismo e terrorismo foi frequente e a Guerra Contra ao Terror (GCT), promovida pela política externa norte-americana de George W. Bush, contribuiu para difundir uma percepção do terrorismo como uma lógica de ação afeita à violência em si. Isso contrasta com a percepção quanto a grupos terroristas de momentos históricos anteriores, cujo recurso ao terrorismo era compreendido como método de ação com valor instrumental para alcançar objetivos políticos diversos, como a emancipação nacional e a desestabilização de regimes políticos estabelecidos. O estudo de caso da Organização de Xangai (OCX) visa demonstrar que a identificação entre terrorismo e Islã leva ao equívoco de compreender os grupos terroristas contemporâneos islâmicos, com lógicas próprias, como uma fenômeno só o que leva à imprecisão de atribuir ao terrorismo o caráter de primeiro fenômeno macro-securitizado. Este breve histórico da ascensão do terrorismo na agenda política contemporânea, mediante a análise do processo securitizador tanto na GCT quanto na Organização de Cooperação de Xangai, serve como referência para as análises contidas no trabalho que o leitor tem em mãos, uma vez que o sentido atribuído ao terrorismo só pode ser entendido em termos dos atores políticos envolvidos na sua definição e no contexto em qual o fazem. Na OCX, o verificou-se o entendimento do terrorismo como método de ação de grupos separatistas, o que não corresponde à ideia do terrorismo como lógica de ação contida na GCT.

Bycatch provisions in the reauthorized Magnuson-Stevens Act

Bycatch can harm marine ecosystems, reduce biodiversity, lead to injury or mortality of protected species, and have severe economic implications for fisheries. On 12 January 2007, President George W. Bush signed the Magnuson-Stevens Fishery Conservation and Management Reauthorization Act of 2006 (MSRA). The MSRA required the U.S. Secretary of Commerce (Secretary) to establish a Bycatch Reduction Engineering Program (BREP) to develop technological devices and other conservation engineering changes designed to minimize bycatch, seabird interactions, bycatch mortality, and post-release mortality in Federally managed fisheries. The MSRA also required the Secretary to identify nations whose vessels are engaged in the bycatch of protected living marine resources (PLMR’s) under specified circumstances and to certify that these nations have 1) adopted regulatory programs for PLMR’s that are comparable to U.S. programs, taking into account different conditions, and 2) established management plans for PLMR’s that assist in the collection of data to support assessments and conservation of these resources. If a nation fails to take sufficient corrective action and does not receive a positive certification, fishing products from that country may be subject to import prohibitions into the United States. The BREP has made significant progress to develop technological devices and other conservation engineering designed to minimize bycatch, including improvements to bycatch reduction devices and turtle excluder devices in Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico trawl fisheries, gillnets in Northeast fisheries, and trawls in Alaska and Pacific Northwest fisheries. In addition, the international provisions of the MSRA have provided an innovative tool through which the United States can address bycatch by foreign nations. However, the inability of the National Marine Fisheries Service to identify nations whose vessels are engaged in the bycatch of PLMR’s to date will require the development of additional approaches to meet this mandate.

《保护生态学:生物圈和生物存活》简介

<正> 保护生态学从1969年沿用开始,一直作为一个概念和术语,没有发展成为一门有明确研究对象、范畴和方法论的独立学科。直到1993年由George W.Cox编辑,由Wm.C.Brown Publishers出版的《保护生态学:生物圈和生物存活》(Conservation Ecology:Biosphere and Biosurvival)才奠定了保护生态学理论和实践的基础。该书中G.W.Cox将传统生态学与其它相关学科的相关知识结合起来,运用了保护生物学的理论和方法。全书短小精悍,结构明快,共352页分为三大部分。第一部分回顾了生态学的概念,介绍了生态学的发展历史。接着介绍了"绝灭生态学"(The ecology of extinction),作者回顾了过去及近代生物的绝灭率,绝灭物种的生活史足迹等,认为:近代物种绝灭率由于人

Spectroscopic studies of oligomers containing 2,5-trans furanoid sugar amino acids

Sugar amino acids and their oligomers, known as carbopeptoids, are commonly studied as foldamers. However, study of their conformational preference is often challenging when the adopted conformations are extended and/or disordered. This study is the first to explore the disordered nature of such carbopeptoids by utilizing a family of 2,5-trans carbopeptoids. An array of spectroscopic techniques has been used to investigate the conformational preference of these carbopeptoids. However, using this data alone it has not been possible to assign conformational preference as an ordered extended conformation or as a disordered family of closely related conformations. Computational methods need to be employed to achieve reliable interpretation of the spectroscopic data. Chirality, 2008. © 2008 Wiley-Liss, Inc.