825 resultados para ETHNIC GROUPS


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The role of migration in the Anglo-Saxon transition in England remains controversial. Archaeological and historical evidence is inconclusive, but current estimates of the contribution of migrants to the English population range from less than 10 000 to as many as 200 000. In contrast, recent studies based on Y-chromosome variation posit a considerably higher contribution to the modern English gene pool (50-100%). Historical evidence suggests that following the Anglo-Saxon transition, people of indigenous ethnicity were at an economic and legal disadvantage compared to those having Anglo-Saxon ethnicity. It is likely that such a disadvantage would lead to differential reproductive success. We examine the effect of differential reproductive success, coupled with limited intermarriage between distinct ethnic groups, on the spread of genetic variants. Computer simulations indicate that a social structure limiting intermarriage between indigenous Britons and an initially small Anglo-Saxon immigrant population provide a plausible explanation of the high degree of Continental male-line ancestry in England.

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This paper deals with second-generation, one-and-a-half generation and ‘‘prolonged sojourner” Trinidadian transnational migrants, who have decided to ‘return’ to the birthplace of their parents. Based on 40 in-depth interviews, the paper considers both the positive and critical things that these youthful transnational migrants report about returning to, and living in, this multi-ethnic plural society and the salience of racial and colour-class stratification as part of their return migration experiences. Our qualitative analysis is based on the narratives provided by these youthful returnees, as relayed ‘‘in their own words”, presenting critical reflections on racism, racial identities and experiences as transnational Trinidadians. It is clear that it is contexts such as contemporary working environments, family and community that act as the reference points for the adaptation ‘‘back home” of this strongly middle-class cohort. We accordingly encounter a diverse, sometimes contesting set of racial issues that emerge as salient concerns for these returnees. The consensus is that matters racial remain as formidable legacies in the hierarchical stratification of Trinidadian society for a sizeable number. Many of our respondents reported the positive aspects of racial affirmation on return. But for another sub-set, the fact that multi-ethnic and multi-cultural mixing are proudly embraced in Trinidad meant that it was felt that return experiences were not overly hindered, or blighted by obstacles of race and colour-class. For these returnees, Trinidad and Tobago is seen as representing a 21st century ‘‘Melting Pot”. But for others the continued existence of racial divisions within society – between ethnic groups and among those of different skin shades – was lamented. In the views of these respondents, too much racial power is still ascribed to ‘near-whiteness’. But for the most part, the returnees felt that where race played a part in their new lives, this generally served to advantage them. However, although the situation in Trinidad appears to have been moderated by assumptions that it remains a racial ‘Melting Pot’, the analysis strongly suggests that the colour-class system of stratification is still playing an essential role, along with racial stereotyping in society at large.

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In recent decades, immigrants, refugees and asylum seekers have sought a new way of life in large numbers, often leaving their countries of origin behind in search of places that offer a better way of life. The purpose of this study was to investigate how elementary and middle school students in state schools in Reading, England (primarily speakers of Asian languages), and Richmond, Virginia (primarily speakers of Spanish), were supported academically, when most children's first language was not English. The authors were interested in exploring whether or not there were cultural or structural differences in the way each country helped or hindered these students as they progressed through the school systems. Three UK schools in a district of approximately 100,000 and three US schools in a district of approximately 250,000 were the focus of this exploration from 2000 to 2003. Findings indicated that there were cultural and legislative differences and similarities. Teachers and administrators in both countries attempted to provide services with limited and sometimes diminishing resources. Community support varied based on resources, attitudes toward various ethnic groups, and the coping strategies adopted by these groups in their new environments. Marked differences appeared with regard to the manner in which assessments took place and how the results were made available to the public.

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Education and ethnicity cannot be discussed without taking language into account. This paper will argue that any discussion of ethnic minorities cannot ignore the question of language, nor can any discussion of human rights ignore the question of language rights. Unfortunately, in today's globalised world, governments and minorities are faced with conflicting pressures: on the one hand, for the development and use of education in a global/international language; on the other for the use and development of mother tongue, local or indigenous languages in education. Language complexity and ethnic plurality were largely brought about as a result of the creation of nation-states, which were spread around the world as a result of European colonialism. European languages and formal education systems were used as a means of political and economic control. The legacy that was left by the colonial powers has complicated ethnic relations and has frequently led to conflict. While there is now greater recognition of the importance of language both for economic and educational development, as well as for human rights, the forces of globalisation are leading towards uniformity in the languages used, in culture and even in education. They are working against the development of language rights for smaller groups. We are witnessing a sharp decline in the number of languages spoken. Only those languages which are numerically, economically and politically strong are likely to survive. As a result many linguistic and ethnic groups are in danger of being further marginalised. This paper will illustrate this thesis both historically and from several contemporary societies, showing how certain policies have exacerbated ethnic conflict while others are seeking to promote harmony and reconciliation. Why this should be so will be explored. (c) 2006 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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OBJECTIVE: To determine whether the positive statistical associations between measures of total and regional adiposity and measures of glucose, insulin and triacylglycerol ( TAG) metabolism reported in Caucasian men, are also observed in UK Sikhs. DESIGN: A matched cross-sectional study in which each volunteer provided a blood sample after a 12-h overnight fast and had anthropometric measurements taken. SUBJECTS: A total of 55 healthy Caucasian and 55 healthy UK Sikh men were recruited. The Caucasian and Sikh men were matched for age ( 48.7 +/- 10.9 and 48.3 +/- 10.0 y, respectively) and body mass index (BMI) ( 26.1 +/- 2.8 and 26.3 +/- 3.2 kg/m(2), respectively). MEASUREMENTS: Anthropometric measurements were performed to assess total and regional fat depots. The concentrations of plasma total cholesterol, high-density cholesterol (HDL- C), low-density cholesterol (LDL-C) and small dense LDL (LDL3), TAG, glucose, fasting insulin (ins) and nonesterified fatty acids (NEFA) were analysed in fasted plasma. Surrogate measures of insulin resistance (HOMA-IR) and insulin sensitivity (RQUICKI) were calculated from insulin and glucose (HOMA-IR) and insulin, glucose and NEFA ( RQUICKI) measurements. RESULTS: The Sikh men had significantly higher body fat, with the sum of the four skinfold measurements (Ssk) ( P = 0.0001) and subscapular skinfold value (P = 0.009) higher compared with the Caucasian men. The Sikh volunteers also had characteristics of the metabolic syndrome: lower HDL-C (P = 0.07), higher TAG (P = 0.004), higher % LDL3 (P = 0.0001) and insulin resistance (P = 0.05). Both ethnic groups demonstrated positive correlations between insulin and waist circumference (Caucasian: r = 0.661, P = 0.0001; Sikh: r = 0.477, P = 0.0001). The Caucasian men also demonstrated significant positive correlations between central adiposity (r = 0.275, P = 0.04), other measures of adiposity (BMI and suprailiac skinfold) and plasma TAG, whereas the Sikh men showed no correlation for central adiposity (r = 0.019, ns) and TAG with a trend to a negative relationship between other measures ( Ssk and suprailiac) which reached near significance for subscapular skinfold and TAG (r = - 0.246, P = 0.007). The expected positive association between insulin and TAG was observed in the Caucasian men (r = 0.318, P = 0.04) but not in the Sikh men (r = 0.011, ns). CONCLUSIONS: In the Caucasian men, the expected positive association between plasma TAG and centralized body fat was observed. However, a lack of association between centralized, or any other measure of adiposity, and plasma TAG was observed in the matched Sikh men, although both ethnic groups showed the positive association between centralized body fat and insulin resistance, which was less strong for Sikhs. These findings in the Sikh men were not consistent with the hypothesis that there is a clear causal relationship between body fat and its distribution, insulin resistance, and lipid abnormalities associated with the metabolic syndrome, in this ethnic group.

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Our study on white European adults was consistent with a previous study on children from largely non-white ethnic groups, suggesting that IL4 and MS4A2 genotypes modify the association between VDD and allergy risk. The risk allele in IL4 is present in nearly 90% of white Europeans, while less than a quarter are carriers in some other populations, highlighting the need to consider possible ethnic differences in allergy-related responsiveness to VDD.

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This article critically explores the nature and purpose of relationships and inter-dependencies between stakeholders in the context of a parastatal chromite mining company in the Betsiboka Region of Northern Madagascar. An examination of the institutional arrangements at the interface between the mining company and local communities identified power hierarchies and dependencies in the context of a dominant paternalistic environment. The interactions, inter alia, limited social cohesion and intensified the fragility and weakness of community representation, which was further influenced by ethnic hierarchies between the varied community groups; namely, indigenous communities and migrants to the area from different ethnic groups. Moreover, dependencies and nepotism, which may exist at all institutional levels, can create civil society stakeholder representatives who are unrepresentative of the society they are intended to represent. Similarly, a lack of horizontal and vertical trust and reciprocity inherent in Malagasy society engenders a culture of low expectations regarding transparency and accountability, which further catalyses a cycle of nepotism and elite rent-seeking behaviour. On the other hand, leaders retain power with minimal vertical delegation or decentralisation of authority among levels of government and limit opportunities to benefit the elite, perpetuating rent-seeking behaviour within the privileged minority. Within the union movement, pluralism and the associated politicisation of individual unions restricts solidarity, which impacts on the movement’s capacity to act as a cohesive body of opinion and opposition. Nevertheless, the unions’ drive to improve their social capital has increased expectations of transparency and accountability, resulting in demands for greater engagement in decision-making processes.

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This edited volume explores the origins of the term small wars and traces it to special operations. In the 17th century, such "guerrilla/petite guerre" special operations grew out of training and winter operations of the regular forces as practiced in the 16th century. In the 18th century, they fused with a tradition going back to Antiquity, of employing special ethnic groups (such as the Hungarian Hussars) for special operations. Side by side with these special operations, however, there was the even older genealogy of uprisings and insurgencies, which since the Spanish Guerrilla of 1808-1812 has been associated with this term. All three traditions have influenced each other.

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Obesity is an escalating threat of pandemic proportions and has risen to such unrivaled prominence in such a short period of time that it has come to define a whole generation in many countries around the globe. The burden of obesity, however, is not equally shared among the population, with certain ethnicities being more prone to obesity than others, while some appear to be resistant to obesity altogether. The reasons behind this ethnic basis for obesity resistance and susceptibility, however, have remained largely elusive. In recent years, much evidence has shown that the level of brown adipose tissue thermogenesis, which augments energy expenditure and is negatively associated with obesity in both rodents and humans, varies greatly between ethnicities. Interestingly, the incidence of low birth weight, which is associated with an increased propensity for obesity and cardiovascular disease in later life, has also been shown to vary by ethnic background. This review serves to reconcile ethnic variations in BAT development and function with ethnic differences in birth weight outcomes to argue that the variation in obesity susceptibility between ethnic groups may have its origins in the in utero programming of BAT development and function as a result of evolutionary adaptation to cold environments.

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In early modern times, warfare in Europe took on many diverse and overlapping forms. Our modern notions of ‘regular’ and ‘irregular’ warfare, of ‘major war’ and ‘small war’, have their roots in much greater diversity than such binary notions allow for. While insurgencies go back to time immemorial, they have become conceptually fused with ‘small wars’. This is a term first used to denote special operations, often carried out by military companies formed from special ethnic groups and then recruited into larger armies. In its Spanish form, guerrilla, the term ‘small war’ came to stand for an ideologically-motivated insurgency against the state authorities or occupying forces of another power. There is much overlap between the phenomena of irregular warfare in the sense of special operations alongside regular operations, and irregular warfare of insurgents against the regular forces of a state. This book demonstrates how long the two phenomena were in flux and fed on each other, from the raiding operations of the 16th century to the ‘small wars’ or special operations conducted by special units in the 19th century, which existed alongside and could merge with a popular insurgency. This book is based on a special issue of the journal Small Wars & Insurgencies.

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Informed by family language policy (FLP) as the theoretical framework, I illustrate in this paper how language ideologies can be incongruous and language policies can be conflicting through three multilingual families in Singapore representing three major ethnic groups – Chinese, Malay and Indian. By studying their family language audits, observing their language practices, and engaging in conversations about their language ideologies, I look at what these families do and do not do and what they claim to do and not to do. Data were collected over a period of 6 months with more than 700 minutes of recording of actual interactions. Analysis of the data reveals that language ideologies are ‘power-inflected’ and tend to become the source of educational and social tensions which in turn shape family language practices. In Singapore these tensions are illustrated by the bilingual policy recognising mother tongues (MTs) and English as official languages, and its educational policy establishing English as the medium of instruction. The view of English as having instrumental values and MTs as having cultural functions reveals that language choices and practices in family domains are value-laden in everyday interactions and explicitly negotiated and established through FLP.

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Singapore’s bilingual policy legitimises English not only as the language of governmental administration and interethnic communication, but also as the medium of instruction in all schools on all levels and across all subjects except mother tongues (MTs). As a result of these politics of language recognition, a visible shift has occurred in all ethnic groups away from MTs towards English. To rectify the language shift situation, the government has emphasised that developing bilingualism and raising bilingual children should begin in preschools. In this paper, we examine two top-down official documents: Review of Mother Tongue Languages Report, issued in 2011, and Nurturing Early Learners Framework for Mother Tongue Languages, developed in 2013. Attempting to identify some of the complex factors that influence language shift, we present an intertextual analysis of the Report and the curriculum Framework. In doing so, we compare the consistencies and locate the implicit inconsistencies in the policy position on bilingual education in preschools. We conclude the article by outlining the implications for changing the current bilingual educational models and providing teacher training programmes that maximise the learning opportunities of young bilingual learners.

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In light of these continuing debates concerning immigration, national identity and belonging, re-examinations of immigrant and ethnic communities, often referred to as ‘diaspora,’ have become increasingly popular and prudent. Khachig Tololian, editor of Diaspora magazine, calls diaspora “exemplary communities of the transnational moment.”5 In an increasingly globalized world, where labor, capital, and resources are passed fluidly from continent to continent, diaspora are created by relocation or displacement of immigrant workers and their descendents.6 For these unskilled, immigrant laborers, middle class immigrants, and the children of both groups, adaptation to the culture, society, and life in a new ‘host’ country can be difficult, to say the least. So, in response to a new cultural landscape and a tenuous sense belonging, as well as to maintain a connection with a shared past, citizens of the world’s numerous diaspora replicate linguistic, cultural, and social norms, creating their own “cultural space[s]” that mirror and often replace a past relationship to their land of origin, or ‘home’.

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Brazil is an extremely unequal country and this inequality has been a permanent characteristic of its economic and social structure. Some scholars generally consider that the economic growth has generated extreme conditions of space and social inequalities, which reveal themselves within Brazil¿s regions, states, rural and urban areas, central and peripheral areas and among its ethnic groups. Such conditions negatively affect the quality of life of the population and will be reflected in the reduction of life expectancy, in the increase of the indexes of infant mortality and illiteracy, amongst other aspects. Education is considered one of the ways to promote the development of a country, however, access to education, specially higher education in Brazil, since it was first implemented, had been limited to a small group of privileged people, the elite of society. Thus, it becomes necessary to extend the access of students to higher education and consequently to generate individuals capable of changing the reality of the place where they live in and as a result, to develop the country. The purpose of this research is to analyze two programs destined to the amplify the access to higher education in Brazil, namely, the University for All Program (ProUni) and the System of Quotas, with the objective to verify at which level their drawings and strategies will allow the democratization of the access to higher education and the reduction of regional inequalities. In order to achieve its objective, the study is initiated with the issue of development and inequalities in Brazil, then it goes through the history of higher education in Brazil and it is finished with the analysis of ProUni and the System of Quotas.

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Objective: To determine whether the fatty acid composition of mid-trimester amniotic fluid differs by ethnicity and pregnancy outcome. Methods: Fatty acid composition was analyzed by gas chromatography in 198 women undergoing amniocentesis at 15-19 weeks gestation. Cytokine levels were determined by ELISA in a subgroup of 52 subjects. Results: The major fatty acids detected were palmitic acid (31.8%) and stearic acid (31.5%). The n-6 polyunsaturated fatty acids (PUFA), linoleic acid (LA, 18: 2) and arachidonic acid (AA, 20: 4), were 11.3%, while the n-3 PUFA fatty acids, alpha linolenic acid (ALA, 18: 3) and docosahexaenoic acid (DHA, 22: 6), were 3.8% of the total. Palmitic acid was a higher percentage in Asians (40.5%) and Whites (34.5%) than in Blacks (22.2%) and Hispanics (23.7%) (p <= 0.0012). Oleic acid (18:1 n-9) was a higher percentage in Blacks (12.2%) and Hispanics (12.1%) than in Whites (9.2%) or Asians (7.5%) (<= 0.0002). LA and AA were higher in Blacks (9.0%, 5.4%) and Hispanics (8.6%, 4.1%) than in Whites (6.1%, 3.7%) and Asians (5.5%, 2.9%) (p <= 0.0002). DHA did not differ among the ethnic groups or according to pregnancy outcome. A reduced palmitic acid percentage was identified in the six women with preeclampsia (p = 0.0233). Tumor necrosis factor-alpha levels were inversely proportional to the palmitic acid percentage (p = 0.0275) and positively associated with the percentages of stearic (18:0) (p = 0.0132) and oleic (p = 0.0290) acids. Conclusions: Amniotic fluid fatty acid composition differed among the ethnic groups and may influence inflammatory mediator production and susceptibility to preeclampsia.