Democratic governance and the rule of law : lessons from Colombia /

"Colombia has experienced conflict for decades. In the 1990s it was a paradigm of the failing state, beset with all manner of troubles: terrorism, kidnapping, murder, drug trafficking, corruption, an economic downturn of major scope, general lawlessness, and brain drain. Today the country is much safer, and the agents of violence are clearly on the defensive. Nonetheless, much work lies ahead to secure the democratic system. Security and the rule of law are fundamental to the task. As the monopoly over the legitimate use of force is established, democratic governance also needs the architecture of law: ministry of justice, courts, legislative scrutiny, law enforcement agencies, regulatory bodies, public defenders, police, correctional system, legal statutes, contracts, university level academic education to train lawyers, judges, and investigators, along with engagement with civil society to promote a culture of lawfulness. Security without the rule of law puts a society at risk of falling into a Hobbesian hell."--P. v.

Proceedings of the Democratic Whig national convention, which assembled at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, on the fourth of December, 1839, for the purpose of nominating candidates for president and vice president of the United States.

Signed by B. H. Martin, delegate from Arkansas.

Building democratic institutions in Mexico

The purpose of this study is to explore the process of building democratic institutions in Mexico, to examine how political parties shape the process of democratization, and how this process determines the degree of party system institutionalization.^ The appearance of competitive politics brought new challenges and opportunities to parties in Mexico. The aim was to identify how the broader political and economic environment has challenged Mexico's political party system, and specifically the transformation of Mexico's political party system.^ This research illustrates the logic of the deductive model, beginning with general, theoretical expectations about democratization and the economic reform. The empirical data were analyzed to determine whether the deductive expectations were supported by empirical reality. This study offers a comprehensive analysis that conciliates the 'political opening' that has produced favorable conditions for democratization and social integration, and the 'economic opening' that has counteracted since it generated social exclusionary processes. ^

Rosalynn Carter at Political Caucus convention party

General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

Age, Period and Cohort effects in the Decline of Party Identification in Germany

Party identification traditionally is seen as an important linkage mechanism, connecting voters to the party system. Previous analyses have suggested that the level of party identity is in decline in Germany, and in this article, we first expand previous observations with more recent data. These suggest that the erosion of party identity continues up to the present time. An age-period-cohort analysis of the panel data of the SOEP panel suggests that period effects are significantly negative. Furthermore, it can be observed that throughout the 1992-2009 observation period, education level and political interest have become more important determinants of party identity. Contrary to some of the literature, therefore, it can be shown that the loss of party identity is concentrated among groups with lower levels of political sophistication, indicating that the socio-economic profile of the group with a sense of party identification has become more distinct compared to the population as a whole. In the discussion, we investigate the theoretical and democratic consequences of this trend.

State Political Parties in American Politics: Innovation and Integration in the Party System

What role do state party organizations play in twenty-first century American politics? What is the nature of the relationship between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections? These questions frame the three studies presented in this dissertation. More specifically, I examine the organizational development of the state party organizations and the strategic interactions and connections between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections.

In the first empirical chapter, I argue that the Internet Age represents a significant transitional period for state party organizations. Using data collected from surveys of state party leaders, this chapter reevaluates and updates existing theories of party organizational strength and demonstrates the importance of new indicators of party technological capacity to our understanding of party organizational development in the early twenty-first century. In the second chapter, I ask whether the national parties utilize different strategies in deciding how to allocate resources to state parties through fund transfers and through the 50-state-strategy party-building programs that both the Democratic and Republican National Committees advertised during the 2010 elections. Analyzing data collected from my 2011 state party survey and party-fund-transfer data collected from the Federal Election Commission, I find that the national parties considered a combination of state and national electoral concerns in directing assistance to the state parties through their 50-state strategies, as opposed to the strict battleground-state strategy that explains party fund transfers. In my last chapter, I examine the relationships between platforms issued by Democratic and Republican state and national parties and the strategic considerations that explain why state platforms vary in their degree of similarity to the national platform. I analyze an extensive platform dataset, using cluster analysis and document similarity measures to compare platform content across the 1952 to 2014 period. The analysis shows that, as a group, Democratic and Republican state platforms exhibit greater intra-party homogeneity and inter-party heterogeneity starting in the early 1990s, and state-national platform similarity is higher in states that are key players in presidential elections, among other factors. Together, these three studies demonstrate the significance of the state party organizations and the state-national party partnership in contemporary politics.

The institutional design of intra-party democracy through legal instruments: Turkish case

The importance of political parties for contemporary representative democracies is beyond dispute. Despite their significance for state-level democracy, political parties continue to be regarded as oligarchical and to be criticised because of their internal practices. For this reason, intra-party democracy (IPD) warrants in-depth analysis. This thesis investigates IPD in Turkey, primarily from the perspective of participatory democracy, with the purpose of suggesting reforms to the Turkish Political Parties Law (TPPL). Turkish political parties and Turkish party regulation provide an interesting case because there is a significant difference between mature democracies and Turkey regarding IPD regulation. IPD in established democracies has always been regarded as a private concern of parties and has been left unregulated. IPD in Turkey, by contrast, is provided for both by the constitution and the TPPL. Although IPD is a constitutional and legal requirement in Turkey, however, political parties in fact display a high level of non-democratic administration. The main reason is that the TPPL only pays lip service to the idea of IPD and requires no specific measures apart from establishing a party congress with a representative form of democracy. By establishing and holding party congresses, political parties are perceived as conforming to the requirements of IPD under the law. In addition, the contested nature of democracy as a concept has impeded the creation of efficacious legal principles. Thus, the existing party law fails to tackle the lack of IPD within political parties and, for this reason, is in need of reform. Furthermore, almost every Turkish party’s own constitution highlights the importance of IPD and promises IPD. However, these declared commitments to IPD in their constitutions alone, especially in countries where the democratic culture is weak, are unlikely to make much difference in practice. Accordingly, external regulation is necessary to ensure the protection of the rights and interests of the party members with regards to their participation in intra-party decision-making processes. Nevertheless, in spite of a general consensus in favour of reforming the TPPL, a lack of consensus exists as to what kind of reforms should be adopted. This thesis proposes that reforming the TPPL in line with an approach based on participatory democracy could provide better IPD within Turkish political parties, citing as evidence comparative case studies of the participatory practices for policy-making, leadership selection and candidate selection in mature democracies. This thesis also analyses membership registration and the effect of state funding on IPD, which are highly problematic in Turkey and represent impediments to the flourishing of IPD.

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies How parties organize in the 21st century

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes.

Integrity and public sector governance : a democratic deficit?

A complexity-based diagnostic on the democratic unity roundtable mud: problems and alternatives (2008-2016)

Este trabajo exploratorio estudia al movimiento político Mesa de la Unidad Democrática (MUD), creada con el fin de oponerse la Gobierno socialista existente en venezuela. La crítica que este documento realiza, parte desde el punto de vista de la Ciencia de la Complejidad. Algunos conceptos clave de sistemas complejos han sido utilizados para explicar el funcionamiento y organización de la MUD, esto con el objetivo de generar un diagnóstico integral de los problemas que enfrenta, y evidenciar las nuevas percepciones sobre comportamientos perjudiciales que el partido tiene actualmente. Con el enfoque de la complejidad se pretende ayudar a comprender mejor el contexto que enmarca al partido y, para, finalmente aportar una serie de soluciones a los problemas de cohesión que presen

Educação fisica na educação infantil : a realidade nas secretarias municipais de educação de Belem-PA, Macapa-AP, Palmas-TO e Rio Branco-AC

Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física

Associação entre excesso de peso e hábito de fumar, Santarém, PA, 2007

OBJETIVO: Estudar associação entre excesso de peso e hábito de fumar. METODOLOGIA: Estudo transversal desenvolvido por telefone numa amostra probabilística de adultos (Santarém /PA), em 2007. Variável desfecho foi excesso de peso, explanatória hábito de fumar e de confusão idade, escolaridade, união conjugal, estado nutricional prévio, abuso de bebidas alcoólicas, atividade física no lazer e padrão alimentar. Associação entre excesso de peso e demais variáveis foi investigada pelo teste do qui-quadrado e regressão de Poisson para o cálculo das razões de prevalência de excesso de peso conforme hábito de fumar, considerando-se três níveis de hierarquia: características sociodemográficas, estado nutricional prévio e padrão comportamental. RESULTADOS: Verificou-se 40,6% de excesso de peso e 16,4% de fumantes. As variáveis associadas ao excesso de peso foram: maior idade, menor escolaridade, união conjugal estável, excesso de peso aos 20 anos e hábito de não consumo de refrigerante para ambos os sexos; não ativo no lazer para homens e hábito de fumar (atual e passado) para mulheres. As razões de prevalência de excesso de peso não apresentaram associação com hábito de fumar para homens, porém para mulheres houve tendência de maior prevalência de excesso de peso para fumantes atuais, chegando a 2,56 vezes mais do que para nunca fumantes e ex-fumantes. CONCLUSÃO: Este estudo constatou que a prevalência de excesso de peso foi maior para mulheres fumantes, comparativamente às ex-fumantes e nunca fumantes. Para os homens não se observou nenhuma associação entre excesso de peso e tabagismo.

Gerenciamento participativo em saúde do trabalhador: uma experiência na atividade de controle de vetores

Este artigo apresenta a experiência de implantação de um sistema de gestão em Saúde do Trabalhador implantado na Superintendencia de Controle de Endemias (SUCEN), no período de 1998 a 2002, que operava na atividade de controle químico de vetores no Estado de São Paulo. OBJETIVO: Descrever o sistema de gestão participativa, as ações desenvolvidas e os principais resultados alcançados. MÉTODO: Relato da experiência vivenciada pela equipe usando abordagem qualitativa, análise de documentos e apresentação de dados quantitativos. RESULTADOS: Foram eleitas 11 Comissões de Saúde e Trabalho (COMSAT's) que em conjunto com a equipe técnica iniciaram a identificação dos riscos e de propostas para prevenção e controle dos riscos no trabalho. O mapeamento de riscos resultou em 650 recomendações, 45,7% das quais foram executadas. Foram identificadas como doenças relacionadas ao trabalho: reações alérgicas aos pesticidas, lesões por esforços repetitivos, distúrbios auditivos e patologias de coluna vertebral. Participaram dos cursos básicos de saúde do trabalhador 1.003 servidores (76,3% do total de servidores), sendo que 90,8% dos participantes os consideraram ótimos ou bons. CONCLUSÕES: O sistema de gerenciamento participativo coloca em prática os princípios de gestão democrática do Sistema Único de Saúde (SUS); incorpora, por meio do mapeamento de riscos, o saber do trabalhador; inclui os trabalhadores como sujeitos do processo de negociação e mudanças; pratica o direito à informação. As COMSAT's revelaram-se espaços adequados para a negociação das melhorias nas condições de trabalho. A aprovação do sistema de gestão culminou na validação legal por meio de um acordo tripartite assinado em março de 2002.

Claude Jones addressing a Communist Party of Australia meeting in Brisbane, Australia

Claude Jones addressing a Communist Party of Australia meeting in Brisbane, Australia. Ted Bacon can be seen at the table.

Bernie Taft speaking at a Communist Party of Australia meeting, Brisbane, Australia

Bernie Taft speaking at a Communist Party of Australia meeting, Brisbane, Australia. Claude Jones can be seen at the table.