236 resultados para Defeat
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After a passionate two-day election, Alexander Van Der Bellen (supported by the Greens) narrowly defeated his far-right wing opponent, Norbert Hofer (Freedom Party of Austria or FPÖ), thereby becoming Austria’s new President (50.3% vs 49.7%). Notably, the ecologist candidate only managed to win thanks to the postal votes counted on the day after the polls closed, whereas anti-EU Hofer was still leading by some 144,000 votes on the previous evening. Such a narrow defeat is likely to have long-term implications for Austrian and European politics.
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Group living animals must be able to express different behavior profiles depending on their social status. Therefore, the same genotype may translate into different behavioral phenotypes through socially driven differential gene expression. However, how social information is translated into a neurogenomic response and what are the specific cues in a social interaction that signal a change in social status are questions that have remained unanswered. Here, we show for the first time, to our knowledge, that the switch between status-specific neurogenomic states relies on the assessment of fight outcome rather than just on self- or opponent-only assessment of fighting ability. For this purpose, we manipulated the perception of fight outcome in male zebrafish and measured its impact on the brain transcriptome using a zebrafish whole genome gene chip. Males fought either a real opponent, and a winner and a loser were identified, or their own image on a mirror, in which case, despite expressing aggressive behavior, males did not experience either a victory or a defeat. Massive changes in the brain transcriptome were observed in real opponent fighters, with losers displaying both a higher number of differentially expressed genes and of coexpressed gene modules than winners. In contrast, mirror fighters expressed a neurogenomic state similar to that of noninteracting fish. The genes that responded to fight outcome included immediate early genes and genes involved in neuroplasticity and epigenetic modifications. These results indicate that, even in cognitively simple organisms such as zebrafish, neurogenomic responses underlying changes in social status rely on mutual assessment of fighting ability.
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Presents the story of the struggle for women's right to vote in Mandatory Palestine. Includes portraits of individual leaders, discusses the Zionist roots of feminism and nationalism, the views of the Ultra Orthodox Jewish sector, and comparative information on contemporary suffrage movements elsewhere in the world. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.
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The Boston Athenaeum, in its Catalogue, suggests Lyman Beecher as possible author. Richard H. Shoemaker's A checklist of American imprints for 1828 mentions Beecher and Benjamin Wisner as possible authors.
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Added t. p., engraved.
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Preface.--Did Grouchy by disobedience of orders cause the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo?--Kolin-Rossbach-Gravelott-Leuthen.--Jena-Mars-la Tour-Vionville.--Napoleonic strategy.--The campaign of Eckmühl, 1809.
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The sea cradle of the reformation.--John Hawkins and the African slave trade.--Sir John Hawkins and Philip the Second.--Drake's voyage round the world.--Parties in the state.--The great expedition to the West Indies.--Attack on Cadiz.--Sailing of the Armada.--Defeat of the Armada.
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Introductory, by B. H. Streeter.--Love and omnipotence, by C. F. D'Arcy.--The survival of the fittest, by Lily Dougall.--Power, by Lily Dougall.--The defeat of pain, by B. H. Streeter.
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The plates and portraits are printed on both sides.
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La Frontera Sur de Córdoba formó parte de la larga extensión conocida como Frontera Sur argentina, con la cual comparte un conjunto de relaciones estructurales definidas no sólo por la desgarradora experiencia de la guerra sino también por el cruce, las conexiones y el diálogo inter-cultural. El trabajo se ocupa de la vinculación de los ranqueles con los unitarios que se refugiaron en las tolderías después de la derrota de las fuerzas de Gregorio Aráoz de Lamadrid que ocupó Córdoba en 1840. Procura establecer cómo la articulación de estas dos fuerzas sociales afectó el ejercicio de la soberanía por parte del gobierno provincial. Se sostiene que los ataques ranqueles integrados por refugiados unitarios habrían puesto en cuestionamiento el ejercicio del poder territorial por parte del Estado provincial
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This essay is about two threats to society. One is to the environment that, if unattended, will endanger our way of life. The other is to constitutional government and to the economy that arises from ill-advised responses to the challenges of environmental protection. The latter threat, if unaddressed, will not only endanger our way of life by diminishing freedom and prosperity but, in the end, will also defeat our good intentions about the environment. [Executive summary extract]
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Nesta dissertação nos propomos a fazer uma leitura da narrativa de Atos dos Apóstolos 6,1-8,3, considerando-a nos moldes de uma antiga tradição de martírio. Os Helenistas entram em conflito com os Hebreus, Estevão entra em atrito com os judeus da diáspora que se reúnem nas sinagogas, e é levado perante o Sinédrio e executado. O motivo de sua execução é a crítica à Lei e ao Templo. Depois de ter uma experiência de êxtase visionário ele é violentamente assassinado. Lucas, todavia, descreve Estevão como herói vitorioso. A realidade de conflitos, oposição, perseguição e martírio não se constitui em derrota, mas em fortalecimento da fé. A morte de Estevão é interpretada dentro desta tradição. A compreensão do caso de Estevão e dos Helenistas é fundamental para entender a continuação do movimento dos seguidores de Jesus e o início do desenvolvimento da Cristologia após o evento pascal.(AU)
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Following the end of the Cold War and the ensuing changes to the international landscape, thinking about security has tended to become more discursive and interpretative in nature. What counts as security has increasingly derived from security discourses (that is, 'securitisation') and uncertainty about the multi-faceted future facing various countries and regions. Within this post-Cold War discourse, the Western Mediterranean has emerged as a region fraught with latent and manifest threats in the economic, political, societal and military sectors. Improved access to EU markets for Maghrebi exports; the security of energy supplies to the EU from Algeria and Libya; lack of democracy and the advance of political Islam; the flow of northward migration and worries about law and order in France, Italy and Spain; the growth in military expenditure and weapons proliferation in the Maghreb; all have been central to the securitisation agenda. However, this agenda has often lacked credibility especially when inter-linkages have purportedly been established between economic underdevelopment and political instability, between the advance of political Islam and the threat to energy supplies, or between immigration and the threat to national identity. Such inter-sectoral linkages distract from the credibility of those 'securitisation instances' which correspond to reality; the former linkages have often been exploited by extremist politicians in south-west European countries as well as by regimes in the Maghreb to advance their respective interests. Thus, securitisation may defeat its main purpose; it may generate responses out of keeping with the aims proclaimed at the outset, aims centred on the countering of real threats and the ensuring of greater stability.
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This article contributes to the body of the developing theoretical research in leadership and presidential studies by adding analysis of what I have termed ‘comportmental style’ as a factor in leader/follower relations. Within institutionalism and the wider structure/agency debate in political science, one of the challenges as regards the study of leadership is to identify factors that offer scope to or else militate against leaders’ performance. The comportmental style of Nicolas Sarkozy (President of the French Republic 2007–2012), deployed in the context of the – changing – institution of the presidency, was a major factor in his extreme unpopularity, and contributed to his defeat in 2012. What this tells us about the nature of the changing French presidency and the role of style will be discussed in the conclusion.
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Since the late 1970's, but particularly since the mid-1980s, the economy of Nicaragua has had persistent and large macroeconomic imbalances, while GDP per-capita has declined to 1950s' levels. By the second half of the 1990s, huge fiscal deficits and a reduction of foreign financing resulted in record hyperinflation. The Sandinista government's (1979–1990) harsh stabilization program in 1988–89 had only modest and short-lived success. It was doomed by their inability to lower the public sector deficit due to the war, plus diminishing financial support from abroad. Hyperinflation stopped only after their 1990 electoral defeat ended the war and massive aid began to flow in. Five years later, macroeconomic stability is still very fragile. A sluggish recovery of export agriculture plus import liberalization, have impeded a reduction of huge trade and current account deficits. Facing the prospects of diminished aid flows, the government's strategy has hinged on the achievement of a real devaluation through a crawling-peg adjustment of the nominal rate. However, at the end of 1995 the situation of the external accounts was still critical, and the modest progress achieved was attributable to cyclical terms-of-trade improvement and changes in the political outlook of agricultural producers. Using a Computable General Equilibrium Model and a Social Accounting Matrix constructed for this dissertation, the importance of structural rigidities in production and demand in explaining such outcome is shown. It is shown that under the plausible structural assumptions incorporated in the model, the role of devaluation in the adjustment process is restricted by structural rigidities. Moreover, contrary to the premise of the orthodox economic thinking behind the economic program, it is the contractionary effect of devaluation more than its expenditure-switching effects that provide the basis for is use in solving the external sector's problems. A fixed nominal exchange rate is found to lead to adverse results. The broader conclusion that emerges from the study is that a new social compact and a rapid increase in infrastructure spending plus fiscal support for the traditional agro-export activities is at the center of a successful adjustment towards external viability in Nicaragua. ^