979 resultados para Conjugal conflicts


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The T-DNA transfer apparatus of Agrobacterium tumefaciens mediates the delivery of the T-DNA into plant cells, the transfer of the IncQ plasmid RSF1010 into plant cells, and the conjugal transfer of RSF1010 between Agrobacteria. We show in this report that the Agrobacterium-to-Agrobacterium conjugal transfer efficiencies of RSF1010 increase dramatically if the recipient strain, as well as the donor strain, carries a wild-type Ti plasmid and is capable of vir gene expression. Investigation of possible mechanisms that could account for this increased efficiency revealed that the VirB proteins encoded by the Ti plasmid were required. Although, with the exception of VirB1, all of the proteins that form the putative T-DNA transfer apparatus (VirB1–11, VirD4) are required for an Agrobacterium strain to serve as an RSF1010 donor, expression of only a subset of these proteins is required for the increase in conjugal transfer mediated by the recipient. Specifically, VirB5, 6, 11, and VirD4 are essential donor components but are dispensable for the increased recipient capacity. Defined point mutations in virB9 affected donor and recipient capacities to the same relative extent, suggesting that similar functions of VirB9 are important in both of these contexts.

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Adaptive reversion of a lac- frameshift mutation in Escherichia coli appears to be due to DNA polymerase errors, implying that DNA is being synthesized although the cells are not dividing. Here we report that the production of adaptive lac+ revertants (i) is much higher when the mutational target is on the F' episome than when it is on the bacterial chromosome; (ii) is enhanced by functions required for conjugation; but (iii) does not require conjugation per se. These results suggest that, in static cells, DNA synthesis is initiated from the conjugal origin of transfer. Mutations may arise as polymerase errors during this synthesis or during synthesis stimulated by recombination among the multiple gene copies.

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Introdução A presença de mulheres no transporte rodoviário de cargas tem sido cada vez mais crescente e as repercussões do trabalho na vida das motoristas de caminhão ainda são desconhecidas pela comunidade científica. Objetivo - Caracterizar e analisar o trabalho de mulheres motoristas de caminhão e suas repercussões sobre sua saúde, a partir do relato de homens e mulheres motoristas de caminhão. Metodologia - O estudo com abordagem qualitativa utilizou a técnica do grupo focal, entrevistas individuais e observação não participante. Os grupos focais foram realizados em uma empresa transportadora localizada no estado de São Paulo e as entrevistas individuais em evento realizado na cidade de Itupeva/SP. Em oito encontros, grupos de motoristas de caminhão, discutiram a temática trabalho e saúde conduzida por meio de questões semiabertas. As mesmas questões foram utilizadas para as entrevistas individuais. Os relatos foram gravados, sendo o conteúdo das gravações transcrito e analisado por meio da metodologia Análise de Conteúdo de Bardin. A partir dos dados obtidos, construíram-se as seguintes categorias: A trajetória profissional de motoristas de caminhão; As mulheres no Transporte Rodoviário de Cargas; O trabalho; Um momento inesquecível na profissão e A saúde das mulheres motoristas na estrada. Resultados Tornar-se motorista de caminhão, para a maioria das mulheres, ocorreu por acaso, ou devido à uma necessidade financeira, ou a falta de perspectiva de emprego. Para as mulheres no Transporte Rodoviário de Cargas, o cotidiano de trabalho das profissionais está atravessado por aspectos como: a força física; dúvidas e preconceitos quanto à sua orientação sexual; o desafio em conciliar a vida dentro e fora do caminhão; conflitos na vida conjugal decorrentes da vida profissional; a discriminação sexual e a necessidade do reconhecimento no trabalho, bem como a falta de infraestrutura dedicada às trabalhadoras nas empresas e postos de parada nas rodovias brasileiras. O momento inesquecível nesta profissão, considerado por homens e mulheres, foi a primeira viagem. Os impactos do trabalho sobre a saúde das trabalhadoras recaíram sobre dores lombares e na coluna; problemas relacionados ao sono; necessidade de recorrer ao uso de drogas como anfetaminas e cocaína para manterem-se acordadas durante o trabalho; estresse; infecção urinária e uso ininterrupto de anticoncepcionais. Conclusões - A inserção das mulheres no transporte rodoviário de cargas desafia empresas e a infraestrutura existente nas rodovias do país a acompanharem as transformações sociais no mundo do trabalho, incluindo as demandas de um novo perfil de trabalhadoras. Descritores: trabalho, gênero, saúde, motoristas de caminhão.

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The proposed Endangered Species Act listing of the gopher tortoise has the potential to impact the military mission at installations in the southeastern United States. Candidate Conservation Agreements with the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service could be a tool to promote conservation and potentially preclude listing. This project identified military activities that could be affected and determined that military natural resources managers are unsure if such an agreement would prevent impacts to the military mission or impose the same restrictions as federal listing. This project found that if a gopher tortoise Candidate Conservation Agreement can be developed such that it benefits the species as well as the military, it should be used as a model for other species.

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This is a case study that analyzes photographic documents of the social protest in Spain between 2011 and 2013. The analysis is qualitative and considers the use of space, the visual expression of the messages and the orientation toward the causes or effects of political, economic and social changes. Visual sociology allows us to appreciate, in the case of the Spanish Revolution, a dynamic of “reflexivity” unrecognizable from other research approaches. Two successive waves of social mobilization in response to two different shocks can be appreciated. The first is given by political corruption, unemployment and the threat to consumer society. The second shock is caused by the savage cuts in the Welfare State. Social mobilization is expressed differently in each phase, and the forms taken by the protests show how the class structure in post industrial society shapes the reactions to the crisis of the Welfare State.

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The article analyzes the role of constitutional courts in Bosnia and Kosovo, both characterized by their partly internationalized membership, in the adjudication of cases that are highly controversial between the different ethno-political factions. The main focus is on the Constitutional Court of Bosnia, which presents one of the richest and most interesting examples of “lawfare” in divided societies. The concept of lawfare has been adapted to refer to the continuation of political battles by ethno-political actors through legal means, in this case, constitutional adjudication. In Kosovo, the Constitutional Court has been an important defender of diversity, albeit its primary focus and merit are to have contributed to the establishment of a concept of democracy close to the people of Kosovo. The article concludes that constitutional courts represent important institutions of internal conflict resolution in divided societies, which have been instrumental in shaping multiculturalism in these post-conflict societies divided by deep ethnic cleavages.

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The Southern Caucasus is the site of three armed conflicts with separatist backgrounds, which have remained unsolved for years: the conflicts in Georgia's Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and Azerbaijan's conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh (including the areas around Nagorno-Karabakh which were seized by Armenian separatists in the course of the war). Neither Georgia nor Azerbaijan have had any control over the disputed areas since the early 1990s. Both states are simultaneously in conflict with the separatists' informal patrons, respectively Russia and Armenia. After over a decade of relative peace during which the conflicts remained frozen, tension has recently risen considerably: in the case of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, large-scale fighting may break out in the coming months, whereas in the case of Nagorno-Karabakh and the Azeri-Armenian conflict, such a threat may materialise within the next five years. The current formula for politically resolving the conflicts is ineffective and close to exhaustion, and the prospect of any alternative peace plans being developed is rather distant. The conflicts in the Southern Caucasus are of increasing concern to the West, mainly because of the Western actors' constantly growing political and economic involvement in Georgia and Azerbaijan (including support for reforms and development of the gas and oil transmission infrastructures), as well as its less intensive commitments in Armenia. An outbreak of open fighting over the separatist regions would destabilise the Southern Caucasus, largely undoing the results of the actions which the EU, NATO and the USA have taken in the region in recent years. Moreover, the situation in the Southern Caucasus, especially the separatisms themselves, have in fact become an element in the wider geopolitical game between the West and Russia. For Russia, the stakes are maintaining its influence in the region, and for the West, demonstrating its ability to effectively promote democracy and economic modernisation in the countries bordering it.

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From a historical perspective, the last two decades can almost be regarded as a 'golden age' of Polish-Russian relations. This is the first time in several centuries that a sovereign Poland and Russia have been able to develop mutual relations without resorting to force; moreover, they have established a bilateral legal basis and put into practice its provisions on "the inviolability of borders, territorial integrity, non-interference with internal affairs and the nations' right to self-determination. This does not change the fact that since 1990 the atmosphere between the two countries has much more often been chilly and tense. Contrary to the widely-held belief, Polish-Russian conflicts do not stem from genetic Russophobia on the part of Poland, or irrational prejudice on the part of Russia. Their substance is real and concerns strategic issues. At the deepest level, though, this is a dispute about how far the borders of the Western world extend, and about the Russian Federation's sphere of influence. However, it is not a clash between two states; moreover, Poland is certainly not the most important actor in this regard, although due to the historical context and its geographic location, it is one of the countries that lies closest to the 'line of contact', and is therefore particularly entangled in the disagreement.

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Unresolved conflicts continue to smoulder in Transnistria, Chechnya, Abkhazia, Nagorno-Karabakh and South Ossetia. "Para-states" have formed in most conflict-affected areas. These have grown to become permanent players in the region. In Chechnya, guerrilla fights continue in the wake of the Russian army's siege of the republic. The conflict in Tajikistan ended in 1997 and the normalisation process is currently under way. Each of these conflicts has entailed profound political, social, ethnic and economic changes, as well as affecting other spheres of life. Presently, it is impossible to return to the pre-conflict situation. The "para-states" have fortified their independence and are no longer controlled by the external powers on which they depended in the initial phases of the conflicts.