Malleability attacks on multi-party key agreement protocols

Multi-party key agreement protocols indirectly assume that each principal equally contributes to the final form of the key. In this paper we consider three malleability attacks on multi-party key agreement protocols. The first attack, called strong key control allows a dishonest principal (or a group of principals) to fix the key to a pre-set value. The second attack is weak key control in which the key is still random, but the set from which the key is drawn is much smaller than expected. The third attack is named selective key control in which a dishonest principal (or a group of dishonest principals) is able to remove a contribution of honest principals to the group key. The paper discusses the above three attacks on several key agreement protocols, including DH (Diffie-Hellman), BD (Burmester-Desmedt) and JV (Just-Vaudenay). We show that dishonest principals in all three protocols can weakly control the key, and the only protocol which does not allow for strong key control is the DH protocol. The BD and JV protocols permit to modify the group key by any pair of neighboring principals. This modification remains undetected by honest principals.

On secure multi-party computation in black-box groups

We study the natural problem of secure n-party computation (in the passive, computationally unbounded attack model) of the n-product function f G (x 1,...,x n ) = x 1 ·x 2 ⋯ x n in an arbitrary finite group (G,·), where the input of party P i is x i  ∈ G for i = 1,...,n. For flexibility, we are interested in protocols for f G which require only black-box access to the group G (i.e. the only computations performed by players in the protocol are a group operation, a group inverse, or sampling a uniformly random group element). Our results are as follows. First, on the negative side, we show that if (G,·) is non-abelian and n ≥ 4, then no ⌈n/2⌉-private protocol for computing f G exists. Second, on the positive side, we initiate an approach for construction of black-box protocols for f G based on k-of-k threshold secret sharing schemes, which are efficiently implementable over any black-box group G. We reduce the problem of constructing such protocols to a combinatorial colouring problem in planar graphs. We then give two constructions for such graph colourings. Our first colouring construction gives a protocol with optimal collusion resistance t < n/2, but has exponential communication complexity O(n*2t+1^2/t) group elements (this construction easily extends to general adversary structures). Our second probabilistic colouring construction gives a protocol with (close to optimal) collusion resistance t < n/μ for a graph-related constant μ ≤ 2.948, and has efficient communication complexity O(n*t^2) group elements. Furthermore, we believe that our results can be improved by further study of the associated combinatorial problems.

Party tricks struggles for votes with a social media audience

With Ten’s new drama Party Tricks set for an October 6 premiere, coverage has focused on the social media campaign to promote the show. In advance of the screening, Ten has created in-character accounts for the lead characters, Kate Ballard (Asher Keddie) and David McLeod (Rodger Corser)...

Wrecking ball: could big tech firms ruin the Spotify party?

YouTube is contemplating the launch of a new music service. But how would such a service fare against established music services like Spotify, Rdio, and Pandora? All these services are referred to as “access-based music services”. They offer music listeners access to millions of songs they can listen to as much as they want for free (with advertising and only basic functionality) or for a monthly subscription fee (without advertising)...

Engagement party : the heart wants what it does

A 3hr large scale participatory installation/event that included live performance, video works,objects, fabric sculptures and was the result of a three month artist residency undertaken by Cam Lab (Jemima Wyman and Anna Mayer)at the Museum of Contemporary Art Los Angeles California. The exhibition transformed two adjoining spaces in the museum, taking design cues from permanent collection artworks currently on view and encouraged gallery visitors to oscillate between immersion and agency as they occupy the various perspectives proposed by the installation.

Raman and infrared spectroscopic studies of phurcalite from Red Canyon, Utah, USA – Implications for the molecular structure

Raman and infrared spectra of the uranyl mineral phurcalite, Ca2(UO2)3O2(PO4)2⋅7H2O, from Red Canyon, Utah, USA, were studied and tentatively interpreted. Observed bands were assigned to the stretching and bending vibrations of (UO2)2+ and (PO4)3− units and to the stretching and bending vibrations and libration modes of water molecules. Approximate lengths of U–O in (UO2)2+ and O–H⋯O hydrogen bond lengths were inferred from observed stretching vibrations. The presence of structurally nonequivalent U6+ and P5+ was inferred from the number of corresponding stretching bands of (UO2)2+ and (PO4)3− units observed in the Raman and infrared spectra..

A Raman and infrared spectroscopic characterisation of the phosphate mineral phosphohedyphane Ca2Pb3(PO4)3Cl from the Roote mine, Nevada, USA

Phosphohedyphane Ca2Pb3(PO4)3Cl is rare Ca and Pb phosphate mineral that belongs to the apatite supergroup. We have analysed phosphohedyphane using SEM with EDX, and Raman and infrared spectroscopy. The chemical analysis shows the presence of Pb, Ca, P and Cl and the chemical formula is expressed as Ca2Pb3(PO4)3Cl. The very sharp Raman band at 975 cm−1 is assigned to the PO43-ν1 symmetric stretching mode. Raman bands noted at 1073, 1188 and 1226 cm−1 are to the attributed to the PO43-ν3 antisymmetric stretching modes. The two Raman bands at 835 and 812 cm−1 assigned to the AsO43-ν1 symmetric stretching vibration and AsO43-ν3 antisymmetric stretching modes prove the substitution of As for P in the structure of phosphohedyphane. A series of bands at 557, 577 and 595 cm−1 are attributed to the ν4 out of plane bending modes of the PO4 units. The multiplicity of bands in the ν2, ν3 and ν4 spectral regions provides evidence for the loss of symmetry of the phosphate anion in the phosphohedyphane structure. Observed bands were assigned to the stretching and bending vibrations of phosphate tetrahedra. Some Raman bands attributable to OH stretching bands were observed, indicating the presence of water and/or OH units in the structure.

Coming of Age in 9/11 Fiction: Bildungsroman and Loss of Innocence

Directly after the horrific events of September 11, 2001, many Americans were saying the same thing: the world has changed forever. They were overwhelmed with a sense that “the party was over.” It was clear that America had lost its innocence; it now had to “grow up.” Much of the fiction produced since 9/11 and with 9/11 at its core provides evidence of the larger cultural belief that September 11 was a turning point (much like adolescence) from which there is no turning back. In this chapter, I examine how three post-9/11 novels—Lorrie Moore’s A Gate at the Stairs, Joyce Maynard’s The Usual Rules, and John Updike’s Terrorist—position readers to understand September 11 as a moment that changed how young Americans come of age.

High-temperature, low-H₂O silicic magmas of the Yellowstone Hotspot: an experimental study of Rhyolite from the Bruneau-Jarbidge eruptive center, Central Snake River Plain, USA

The phase relations have been investigated experimentally at 200 and 500 MPa as a function of water activity for one of the least evolved (Indian Batt Rhyolite) and of a more evolved rhyolite composition (Cougar Point Tuff XV) from the 12·8-8·1 Ma Bruneau-Jarbidge eruptive center of the Yellowstone hotspot. Particular priority was given to accurate determination of the water content of the quenched glasses using infrared spectroscopic techniques. Comparison of the composition of natural and experimentally synthesized phases confirms that high temperatures (>900°C) and extremely low melt water contents (<1·5 wt % H₂O) are required to reproduce the natural mineral assemblages. In melts containing 0·5-1·5 wt % H₂O, the liquidus phase is clinopyroxene (excluding Fe-Ti oxides, which are strongly dependent on fO₂), and the liquidus temperature of the more evolved Cougar Point Tuff sample (BJR; 940-1000°C) is at least 30°C lower than that of the Indian Batt Rhyolite lava sample (IBR2; 970-1030°C). For the composition BJR, the comparison of the compositions of the natural and experimental glasses indicates a pre-eruptive temperature of at least 900°C. The composition of clinopyroxene and pigeonite pairs can be reproduced only for water contents below 1·5 wt % H₂O at 900°C, or lower water contents if the temperature is higher. For the composition IBR2, a minimum temperature of 920°C is necessary to reproduce the main phases at 200 and 500 MPa. At 200 MPa, the pre-eruptive water content of the melt is constrained in the range 0·7-1·3 wt % at 950°C and 0·3-1·0 wt % at 1000°C. At 500 MPa, the pre-eruptive temperatures are slightly higher (by 30-50°C) for the same ranges of water concentration. The experimental results are used to explore possible proxies to constrain the depth of magma storage. The crystallization sequence of tectosilicates is strongly dependent on pressure between 200 and 500 MPa. In addition, the normative Qtz-Ab-Or contents of glasses quenched from melts coexisting with quartz, sanidine and plagioclase depend on pressure and melt water content, assuming that the normative Qtz and Ab/Or content of such melts is mainly dependent on pressure and water activity, respectively. The combination of results from the phase equilibria and from the composition of glasses indicates that the depth of magma storage for the IBR2 and BJR compositions may be in the range 300-400 MPa (13 km) and 200-300 MPa (10 km), respectively.

Food justice or food sovereignty? Understanding the rise of urban food movements in the USA

As world food and fuel prices threaten expanding urban populations, there is greater need for the urban poor to have access and claims over how and where food is produced and distributed. This is especially the case in marginalized urban settings where high proportions of the population are food insecure. The global movement for food sovereignty has been one attempt to reclaim rights and participation in the food system and challenge corporate food regimes. However, given its origins from the peasant farmers' movement, La Via Campesina, food sovereignty is often considered a rural issue when increasingly its demands for fair food systems are urban in nature. Through interviews with scholars, urban food activists, non-governmental and grassroots organizations in Oakland and New Orleans in the United States of America, we examine the extent to which food sovereignty has become embedded as a concept, strategy and practice. We consider food sovereignty alongside other dominant US social movements such as food justice, and find that while many organizations do not use the language of food sovereignty explicitly, the motives behind urban food activism are similar across movements as local actors draw on elements of each in practice. Overall, however, because of the different histories, geographic contexts, and relations to state and capital, food justice and food sovereignty differ as strategies and approaches. We conclude that the US urban food sovereignty movement is limited by neoliberal structural contexts that dampen its approach and radical framework. Similarly, we see restrictions on urban food justice movements that are also operating within a broader framework of market neoliberalism. However, we find that food justice was reported as an approach more aligned with the socio-historical context in both cities, due to its origins in broader class and race struggles.

Party On! A call for entrepreneurship research that is more interactive, activity based, cognitively hot, compassionate, and prosocial

It is the Journal of Business Venturing's (JBV) 30th birthday. Although the community of entrepreneurship scholars deserves to celebrate JBV's achievements over the last 30 years (and congratulate the journal's parents—Ian Macmillan and S. Venkataraman), my focus is more on the future of entrepreneurship (and by extension JBV). A focus on entrepreneurship is both timeless and timely. On the one hand, entrepreneurship is timeless given the long-recognized importance of entrepreneurs to economies and societies (e.g., Jean Baptiste who supposedly coined the term in about 1800). On the other hand, a discussion of entrepreneurship is timely because now that the field of entrepreneurship has achieved legitimacy, it faces both opportunities and threats. It is thus timely to acknowledge the threats and think about opportunities to advance the field. A discussion of entrepreneurship is also timely because society faces a number of grand challenges (including the durability of poverty, environmental degradation [ Dorado and Ventresca, 2013]), challenges well suited to entrepreneurial responses...

May the best Tweeter win : The Twitter strategies of key campaign accounts in the 2012 US election

The 2008 US election has been heralded as the first presidential election of the social media era, but took place at a time when social media were still in a state of comparative infancy; so much so that the most important platform was not Facebook or Twitter, but the purpose-built campaign site my.barackobama.com, which became the central vehicle for the most successful electoral fundraising campaign in American history. By 2012, the social media landscape had changed: Facebook and, to a somewhat lesser extent, Twitter are now well-established as the leading social media platforms in the United States, and were used extensively by the campaign organisations of both candidates. As third-party spaces controlled by independent commercial entities, however, their use necessarily differs from that of home-grown, party-controlled sites: from the point of view of the platform itself, a @BarackObama or @MittRomney is technically no different from any other account, except for the very high follower count and an exceptional volume of @mentions. In spite of the significant social media experience which Democrat and Republican campaign strategists had already accumulated during the 2008 campaign, therefore, the translation of such experience to the use of Facebook and Twitter in their 2012 incarnations still required a substantial amount of new work, experimentation, and evaluation. This chapter examines the Twitter strategies of the leading accounts operated by both campaign headquarters: the ‘personal’ candidate accounts @BarackObama and @MittRomney as well as @JoeBiden and @PaulRyanVP, and the campaign accounts @Obama2012 and @TeamRomney. Drawing on datasets which capture all tweets from and at these accounts during the final months of the campaign (from early September 2012 to the immediate aftermath of the election night), we reconstruct the campaigns’ approaches to using Twitter for electioneering from the quantitative and qualitative patterns of their activities, and explore the resonance which these accounts have found with the wider Twitter userbase. A particular focus of our investigation in this context will be on the tweeting styles of these accounts: the mixture of original messages, @replies, and retweets, and the level and nature of engagement with everyday Twitter followers. We will examine whether the accounts chose to respond (by @replying) to the messages of support or criticism which were directed at them, whether they retweeted any such messages (and whether there was any preferential retweeting of influential or – alternatively – demonstratively ordinary users), and/or whether they were used mainly to broadcast and disseminate prepared campaign messages. Our analysis will highlight any significant differences between the accounts we examine, trace changes in style over the course of the final campaign months, and correlate such stylistic differences with the respective electoral positioning of the candidates. Further, we examine the use of these accounts during moments of heightened attention (such as the presidential and vice-presidential debates, or in the context of controversies such as that caused by the publication of the Romney “47%” video; additional case studies may emerge over the remainder of the campaign) to explore how they were used to present or defend key talking points, and exploit or avert damage from campaign gaffes. A complementary analysis of the messages directed at the campaign accounts (in the form of @replies or retweets) will also provide further evidence for the extent to which these talking points were picked up and disseminated by the wider Twitter population. Finally, we also explore the use of external materials (links to articles, images, videos, and other content on the campaign sites themselves, in the mainstream media, or on other platforms) by the campaign accounts, and the resonance which these materials had with the wider follower base of these accounts. This provides an indication of the integration of Twitter into the overall campaigning process, by highlighting how the platform was used as a means of encouraging the viral spread of campaign propaganda (such as advertising materials) or of directing user attention towards favourable media coverage. By building on comprehensive, large datasets of Twitter activity (as of early October, our combined datasets comprise some 3.8 million tweets) which we process and analyse using custom-designed social media analytics tools, and by using our initial quantitative analysis to guide further qualitative evaluation of Twitter activity around these campaign accounts, we are able to provide an in-depth picture of the use of Twitter in political campaigning during the 2012 US election which will provide detailed new insights social media use in contemporary elections. This analysis will then also be able to serve as a touchstone for the analysis of social media use in subsequent elections, in the USA as well as in other developed nations where Twitter and other social media platforms are utilised in electioneering.