Houston Rescue and Restore Coalition human trafficking needs assessment

Background. Human trafficking, or "modern day slavery", is a complex public health issue that we must understand more fully before it can be effectively tackled. There have been very few empirical studies on human trafficking and estimates of global and national human trafficking victims vary widely. Free the Slaves, a non-profit organization, estimates that there are at least 27 million people in the world at any given time that can be classified as victims of human trafficking. Houston, Texas has been identified as a place where human trafficking may be more likely to exist due to its close proximity to Mexico and due to economic and population factors. Houston Rescue and Restore Coalition (HRRC) is a local organization that exists to raise awareness of human trafficking in Houston, Texas. To better serve victims of human trafficking, HRRC commissioned a community assessment of the services available to victims of human trafficking in the greater Houston metropolitan area.^ Purpose. The current study assessed the capacity of organizations and agencies within the greater Houston metropolitan area to deal with human trafficking issues; in particular, knowledge regarding human trafficking issues among these organizations and agencies was evaluated.^ Methods. A cross-sectional study design was used to conduct surveys with key informants/stakeholders from organizations and agencies within the greater Houston metropolitan area. The survey instrument included 41 items in three parts, and consisted of multiple choice questions, open-ended essay questions, and closed-ended 5 point Likert questions.^ Results. The findings from this study indicate that efforts must be made to increase comprehensive awareness of the issue of human trafficking, including the federal and state laws that have been enacted to combat this problem. The data also indicate that there are limited services provided to human trafficking victims within the greater Houston metropolitan area.^ Conclusion. The results of the survey will provide Houston Rescue and Restore Coalition with information that will assist them in targeting their efforts to combat human trafficking in Houston, Texas.^

El MST en Brasil y las organizaciones sociales kirchneristas en Argentina : Roles, identificación y relaciones dentro del conglomerado oficialista

En el marco de una investigación más amplia que examina en forma comparada los oficialismos de Lula en Brasil y de Kirchner en Argentina durante 2005-2006, el presente trabajo se propone estudiar, la relación que algunos movimientos sociales mantuvieron con el gobierno, como parte integral o como aliados del mismo, en el período consignado. En ese sentido, el Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), en Brasil, y organizaciones como la Federación Tierra y Vivienda (FTV), el Frente Transversal Nacional y Popular, el Movimiento Evita, y Libres del Sur, en Argentina, constituyen uno de los distintos sujetos de dos conjuntos oficialistas que difícilmente puedan ser caracterizados, como se hacía en el pasado, como "partido oficial" o "coaliciones de partidos". Los oficialismos en cuestión no sólo aglutinan en su seno a un conglomerado muy heterogéneo de actores políticos individuales y de dirigentes de múltiples fuerzas y sellos partidarios -con sus respectivas redes de poder territorial-, sino que incluyen también a estas organizaciones populares, protagonistas de históricos procesos de amplia movilización y lucha social. ¿Qué identidad reivindican esas organizaciones en su apoyo al gobierno? ¿Cómo conciben su propio rol dentro del oficialismo? ¿Cómo definen a ese conjunto al que pertenecen o se asocian? ¿Cuál es su relación con el presidente?

A política fundiária do governo Olívio Dutra no Rio Grande do Sul - Brasil (1999-2002): diretrizes, dinâmica política e resultados atingidos

This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.

El MST en Brasil y las organizaciones sociales kirchneristas en Argentina : Roles, identificación y relaciones dentro del conglomerado oficialista

En el marco de una investigación más amplia que examina en forma comparada los oficialismos de Lula en Brasil y de Kirchner en Argentina durante 2005-2006, el presente trabajo se propone estudiar, la relación que algunos movimientos sociales mantuvieron con el gobierno, como parte integral o como aliados del mismo, en el período consignado. En ese sentido, el Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), en Brasil, y organizaciones como la Federación Tierra y Vivienda (FTV), el Frente Transversal Nacional y Popular, el Movimiento Evita, y Libres del Sur, en Argentina, constituyen uno de los distintos sujetos de dos conjuntos oficialistas que difícilmente puedan ser caracterizados, como se hacía en el pasado, como "partido oficial" o "coaliciones de partidos". Los oficialismos en cuestión no sólo aglutinan en su seno a un conglomerado muy heterogéneo de actores políticos individuales y de dirigentes de múltiples fuerzas y sellos partidarios -con sus respectivas redes de poder territorial-, sino que incluyen también a estas organizaciones populares, protagonistas de históricos procesos de amplia movilización y lucha social. ¿Qué identidad reivindican esas organizaciones en su apoyo al gobierno? ¿Cómo conciben su propio rol dentro del oficialismo? ¿Cómo definen a ese conjunto al que pertenecen o se asocian? ¿Cuál es su relación con el presidente?

A política fundiária do governo Olívio Dutra no Rio Grande do Sul - Brasil (1999-2002): diretrizes, dinâmica política e resultados atingidos

This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.

El MST en Brasil y las organizaciones sociales kirchneristas en Argentina : Roles, identificación y relaciones dentro del conglomerado oficialista

En el marco de una investigación más amplia que examina en forma comparada los oficialismos de Lula en Brasil y de Kirchner en Argentina durante 2005-2006, el presente trabajo se propone estudiar, la relación que algunos movimientos sociales mantuvieron con el gobierno, como parte integral o como aliados del mismo, en el período consignado. En ese sentido, el Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), en Brasil, y organizaciones como la Federación Tierra y Vivienda (FTV), el Frente Transversal Nacional y Popular, el Movimiento Evita, y Libres del Sur, en Argentina, constituyen uno de los distintos sujetos de dos conjuntos oficialistas que difícilmente puedan ser caracterizados, como se hacía en el pasado, como "partido oficial" o "coaliciones de partidos". Los oficialismos en cuestión no sólo aglutinan en su seno a un conglomerado muy heterogéneo de actores políticos individuales y de dirigentes de múltiples fuerzas y sellos partidarios -con sus respectivas redes de poder territorial-, sino que incluyen también a estas organizaciones populares, protagonistas de históricos procesos de amplia movilización y lucha social. ¿Qué identidad reivindican esas organizaciones en su apoyo al gobierno? ¿Cómo conciben su propio rol dentro del oficialismo? ¿Cómo definen a ese conjunto al que pertenecen o se asocian? ¿Cuál es su relación con el presidente?

A política fundiária do governo Olívio Dutra no Rio Grande do Sul - Brasil (1999-2002): diretrizes, dinâmica política e resultados atingidos

This paper has as objective to analyze the foundry work politics made by the Olívio Dutra's government in the state of Rio Grande do Sul-Brazil, being taken into account their guidelines, the dynamics of the political struggle promoted between the social leaders from the rural area and the achieved global results. This government's freshness is related to the fact of it was being sustained and supported by a coalition of left wing parties and by a group of social movements and also by syndical entities of the field, which was decisive in the presentation of an antagonistic program to the neoliberal politics on energy in a national extent. Hence this government became committed in adopting an own foundry work politics, being opposed to the program of market land reform extolled by Cardoso's government, in national wide. Therefore, the results presented along the article demonstrate that in spite of the assumed commitments and, in face of legal, institutional and economical limitations and also its existent politics, the space of the state governments' performance can only be thought about its complemental character on the federal government's actions.

Post-decentralization regional economies and actors -- putting the capacity of Local governments to the test

Decentralization in Indonesia was introduced institutionally in 2001, with a democratization drive promoted by international donors and by the intention of the new government to clear away the centralistic image of Soeharto. Decentralization has had some effects on regional economies and on local government administration. Compared to the period before decentralization, the share of gross regional domestic product and local government finance has increased in Java, though investment and bank borrowing have expanded to the outer islands. In qualitative aspects, decentralization has transferred not only administrative authority but also many new vested interests from the center to regions. Local governments have become more extensive economic actors in regional economies. Regional economic actors now compete actively for such vested interests and have missed the opportunity to create market-friendly regional economies. The government sector should not be a mere rent-seeking economic actor, but should play a role as a facilitator promoting private sector activities in regional economies.

Australia's Foreign Economic Policy: a 'State-Society Coalition' Approach and a Historical Overview

This paper aims to explain the historical development of Australia's foreign economic policy by using an analytical framework called a 'state-society coalition' approach. This approach focuses on virtual coalitions of state and society actors that share 'belief systems' and hold similar policy ideas, goals and preferences, as basic units (policy subsystems) of policy making. Major policy changes occur when a dominant coalition is replaced by another. The paper argues that, in Australia, there have been three major state-society coalitions in the foreign economic policy issue area: 'protectionists', 'trade liberalisers' and 'optional bilateralists'. The rise and fall of these coalitions resulted in distinctive shifts of Australia's foreign economic policy in the 1980s towards unilateral and multilateral liberalisation and in the late 1990s towards bilateral trade and investment arrangements.

The Experience of the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) : Political Parties in Kenya from 1991 to 2007

This paper first examines splits and mergers among Kenya’s political parties (and inner-party factions) from the restoration of a multi-party system in 1991 until 2007, before the turbulent 10th general elections were conducted. It then considers what functions “political parties” have in Kenya with special reference to the period since 2002, the year in which President Moi announced his intention to retire. A look back at NARC’s five years of rule reveals that, although it succeeded in changing the government, NARC, as a “political party,” remained throughout an organization without any real substance. The paper looks at (1) NARC’s de facto split after its overwhelming win in the ninth general election, (2) malfunctions of the anti-defection laws that were introduced in the 1960s, and (3) Kenya’s election rules that require candidates to be nominated by registered political parties in general elections. The paper proceeds to argue that as a result of the operation of these three elements, Kenya’s political parties, and especially the victorious coalition sides, tend to end up being nothing more than temporary vehicles for political elites angling for post-election posts.

Communicating strategically in the face of terrorism: The Spanish government’s response to the 2004 Madrid bombing attacks

With the re-emergence of insurgency tied to terrorism, governments need to strategically manage their communications. This paper analyzes the effect of the Spanish government’s messaging in the face of the Madrid bombing of March 11, 2004: unlike what happened with the 9/11 bombings in the USA and the 7/07 London attacks, the Spanish media did not support the government’s framing of the events. Taking framing as a strategic action in a discursive form (Pan & Kosicki, 2003), and in the context of the attribution theory of responsibilities, this research uses the “cascading activation” model (Entman, 2003, 2004) to explore how a framing contest was generated in the press. Analysis of the coverage shows that the intended government frame triggered a battle among the different major newspapers, leading editorials to shift their frame over the four days prior to the national elections. This research analyzes strategic contests in framing processes and contributes insight into the interactions among the different sides (government, parties, media, and citizens) to help bring about an understanding of the rebuttal effect of the government’s intended frame. It also helps to develop an understanding of the role of the media and the influence of citizens’ frames on media content.

The Turkish Empire in Europe, Asia, and Africa: dividid into all its governments, together with the other territories that are tributary to it, as also the dominions of ye Emperor of Marocco [sic] according to the newest and most exact observations

by H. Moll.