DIC.CAT. Dona, immigració i ciutadania: les dones marrquines com a generadores de ciutadania a Catalunya

DIC.CAT es centra en les contribucions a la ciutadania que realitzen les dones immigrants marroquines, sobre les quals recauen forts estereotips i imatges que, sovint, les vinculen a la passivitat i a la submissió. Partint d'aquest fet, el projecte analitza el paper d'aquetes dones com a generadores de noves formes de ciutadania a Catalunya, a partir de les seves accions en les esferes pública i privada. El projecte contribueix, d'una banda a ampliar el coneixement teòric sobre la noció de ciutadania, incorporant la dimensió del gènere i partint de la realitat multicultural actual; i de l'altra a aprofundir sobre el rol que estan exercint les doens marroquines estudiades, com agents actius de xsocialització i generadores de canvis en els formes d'exercir la ciutadania en la societat catalana. Destaquen les accions que desenvolupen des de la seva quotidianitat en relació a aspectes com el procés de reagrupació, la incorporació al mercat laboral, la transmissio de valores dins la familia, la relació amb la comunitat d'origen, les motivacions, aspiracions o els projectes professionals i personals propis. Alhora, el projecte vincula aquestes accions amb les que desenvolupen des dels espais públics en els que participen, especialment dins l'àmbit associatiu.

Swiss Democracy on the Web 2010 : Society and Politics in a Connected Age

The rapid adoption of online media like Facebook, Twitter or Wikileaks leaves us with little time to think. Where is information technology taking us, our society and our democratic institutions ? Is the Web replicating social divides that already exist offline or does collaborative technology pave the way for a more equal society ? How do we find the right balance between openness and privacy ? Can social media improve civic participation or do they breed superficial exchange and the promotion of false information ? These and lots of other questions arise when one starts to look at the Internet, society and politics. The first part of this paper gives an overview of the social changes that occur with the rise of the Web. The second part serves as an overview on how the Web is being used for political participation in Switzerland and abroad. Le développement rapide de nouveaux médias comme Facebook, Twitter ou Wikileaks ne laisse que peu de temps à la réflexion. Quels sont les changements que ces technologies de l'information impliquent pour nous, notre société et nos institutions démocratiques ? Internet ne fait-il que reproduire des divisions sociales qui lui préexistent ou constitue-t-il un moyen de lisser et d'égaliser ces mêmes divisions ? Comment trouver le bon équilibre entre transparence et respect de la vie privée ? Les médias sociaux permettent-ils de stimuler la participation politique ou ne sont-ils que le vecteur d'échanges superficiels et de fausses informations ? Ces questions, parmi d'autres, émergent rapidement lorsque l'on s'intéresse à la question des liens entre Internet, la société et la politique. La première partie de ce cahier est consacrée aux changements sociaux générés par l'émergence et le développement d'Internet. La seconde fait l'état des lieux de la manière dont Internet est utilisé pour stimuler la participation politique en Suisse et à l'étranger.

Is there really a backlash against multiculturalism policies? New evidence from the multiculturalism policy index

In much of the western world, and particularly in Europe, there is a widespread perception that multiculturalism has ‘failed’ and that governments who once embraced a multicultural approach to diversity are turning away, adopting a strong emphasis on civic integration. This reaction, we are told, “reflects a seismic shift not just in the Netherlands, but in other European countries as well” (JOPPKE 2007). This paper challenges this view. Drawing on an updated version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index introduced earlier (BANTING and KYMLICKA 2006), the paper presents an index of the strength of multicultural policies for European countries and several traditional countries of immigration at three points in time (1980, 2000 and 2010). The results paint a different picture of contemporary experience in Europe. While a small number of countries, including most notably the Netherlands, have weakened established multicultural policies during the 2000s, such a shift is the exception. Most countries that adopted multicultural approaches in the later part of the twentieth century have maintained their programs in the first decade of the new century; and a significant number of countries have added new ones. In much of Europe, multicultural policies are not in general retreat. As a result, the turn to civic integration is often being layered on top of existing multicultural programs, leading to a blended approach to diversity. The paper reflects on the compatibility of multiculturalism policies and civic integration, arguing that more liberal forms of civic integration can be combined with multiculturalism but that more illiberal or coercive forms are incompatible with a multicultural approach.

LSTA Five Year Plan Evaluation Report 2003-2007, 2007

The mission of the State Library of Iowa is to advocate for Iowa libraries and to promote excellence and innovation in library services, in order to provide statewide access to information for all Iowans. Federal support through LSTA funds has been critical to the State Library’s ability to fulfill this mission. Ultimately, the State Library seeks to sustain a state of learners because lifelong learning is essential to individual success and to a democratic society. State Library support empowers Iowa libraries of all types to provide leadership and services to enhance learning in families and communities, to build 21st century skills, to sustain cultural heritage and to increase civic participation.

Bowling for fascism: Social capital and the rise of the Nazi Party in Weimar Germany, 1919-33

Social capital a dense network of associations facilitating cooperation within a community typically leads to positive political and economic outcomes, as demonstrated by a large literature following Putnam. A growing literature emphasizes the potentially "dark side" of social capital. This paper examines the role of social capital in the downfall of democracy in interwar Germany by analyzing Nazi party entry rates in a cross-section of towns and cities. Before the Nazi Party's triumphs at the ballot box, it built an extensive organizational structure, becoming a mass movement with nearly a million members by early 1933. We show that dense networks of civic associations such as bowling clubs, animal breeder associations, or choirs facilitated the rise of the Nazi Party. The effects are large: Towns with one standard deviation higher association density saw at least one-third faster growth in the strength of the Nazi Party. IV results based on 19th century measures of social capital reinforce our conclusions. In addition, all types of associations veteran associations and non-military clubs, "bridging" and "bonding" associations positively predict NS party entry. These results suggest that social capital in Weimar Germany aided the rise of the Nazi movement that ultimately destroyed Germany's first democracy.

Desmontemos rumores para fomentar la convivencia

Este artículo describe y analiza desde una perspectiva crítica el proyecto “Desmontemos rumores para fomentar la convivencia”, desarrollado en los últimos años en Sant Boi de Llobregat como parte del “Programa de convivencia”, impulsado por la Unidad de Educación Comunitaria y Civismo del ayuntamiento local. Se pone especial énfasis en las actividades realizadas en el marco de la Red de educadores y alumnos por la convivencia, que ha sido una pieza clave para impulsar el proyecto entre los adolescentes y los jóvenes de la ciudad.

Entre communauté civique et communauté hellénique. Theôria l'hétaïre dans la «Paix» d'Aristophane

This paper investigates practices connected with the institution of theôria, before focusing on semantic values conveyed by the figure of Theôria in Aristophanes' Peace. The analysis shows how the languages of sacrifice, athletism and sexuality are used metaphorically in the description of Theôria; her description as a hetaira is especially significant since it highlights civic and panhellenic ties which are at stake in the institution of theôria.

"Júlia"

Concurs d’idees de remodelació de la Sabinosa

Fuerza prensil de la mano asociada al grado de autonomía y riesgo de caída en ancianos

Objetivo: Determinación de la fuerza de prensión de la mano como indicador de la capacidad funcional y grado de autonomía para actividades cotidianas en personas de la tercera edad. Diseño: Se realizó un estudio observacional de diseño transversal. Emplazamiento: Medio comunitario. Centros cívicos, centros culturales y residencias de la tercera edad de la comarca del Bages (Barcelona). 2 Participantes: Se estudió a 61 personas, 40 mujeres y 21 hombres, con un rango de edad comprendido entre los 65 y 90 años, quienes no presentaban afecciones invalidantes graves. Se solicitó su colaboración y aceptación voluntaria tras informar del objetivo del estudio. Mediciones principales: El grado de autonomía funcional se valoró mediante el test de Barthel y el test de Lawton-Brody, y el riesgo de caída mediante el test de Tinetti. La fuerza muscular máxima voluntaria (FMMV) se determinó mediante el test de prensión de la mano (handgrip). Resultados: Los hombres mostraron una correlación positiva y estadísticamente significativa (p=0.001) entre la fuerza prensil de la mano y el grado de autonomía funcional y el menor riesgo de caída (p=0.037). Dicha correlación no fue observada en las mujeres respecto al grado de autonomía (p=0.232) y fue escasa para el riesgo de caída (p=0.048). Conclusiones: El test de handgrip es una herramienta potencialmente útil para estimar la autonomía funcional e instrumental y el riesgo de caídas, especialmente en varones que sobrepasan los 65 años.

Resigned but satisfied: The negative impact of public service motivation and red tape on work satisfaction

This article examines the relationship between red tape, Public Service Motivation (PSM) and a particular work outcome labelled 'resigned satisfaction'. Using data from a national survey of over 3754 public servants working at the municipal level in Switzerland, this study shows the importance of looking more closely at the concept of work satisfaction and, furthermore, of thoroughly investigating the impact of the different PSM dimensions on work outcomes. Unsurprisingly, research findings show that red tape is the most important predictor of resignation. Nevertheless, when PSM dimensions are analysed separately, results demonstrate that 'commitment to public interest/civic duty' and, to a lesser extent, 'attraction to policy-making' decrease resignation, whereas 'compassion' and 'self-sacrifice' increase it. This study thus highlights some of the negative (or undesirable) effects of PSM that have not been previously addressed in PSM literature.