776 resultados para American foreign policy
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O artigo trata do fracasso da política externa norte-americana no Afeganistão. Aborda ainda a possibilidade de mudança caso o Partido Democrata vença as eleições presidenciais.
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China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.
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Annually, the association publishes a journal, The Proceedings, which consists of papers presented at the annual meeting. The English Parliament and the Theory of Corporation by Jerome V. Reel, Jr. Puritan Myths in the Background of American Foreign Policy by William F. Ricketson, Jr. Socialized Medicine —Some Aspects of the British Experience by J. M. Thorn Dollars from Scholars: The Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation by Edward H. Beardsley
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El presente documento académico explica el papel del conflicto en Siria como escenario para la manifestación de la política exterior tanto de Estados Unidos como de Rusia, con el fin de demostrar que la guerra civil en Siria es una confrontación interna que se ha metamorfoseado como tensión diplomática y de confrontación de políticas exteriores de Rusia y EE.UU. Se hará uso del método de investigación cualitativo, pues este permitirá el análisis e interpretación de eventos, datos y conceptos importantes para el análisis del problema a estudiar. Por último, se hará uso de la teoría realista de las Relaciones Internacionales para tener una mejor perspectiva de los acontecimientos estudiados.
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El objetivo de este estudio de caso es analizar la forma en la cual la política exterior expansionista y racista del Tercer Reich repercutió en la invasión militar de Checoslovaquia y en la creación de un régimen fascista en Croacia. El surgimiento del Tercer Reich implicó el desencadenamiento de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, generando un cambio en la configuración del Sistema Internacional. Desde el ascenso de Hitler al poder en 1933, Alemania proyectó una discursiva racista y expansionista en su política exterior, con el objetivo de configurar un nuevo ordenamiento europeo. Por lo anterior, la política exterior del Tercer Reich justificó la invasión de Checoslovaquia basándose en los principios del espacio vital que permitieron adherir el territorio al Reich, e influyó en el ascenso del régimen fascista de Ante Pavelić en Croacia, quien colaboró para la consecución del interés nacional racial alemán.
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La presente investigación tiene como objetivo analizar cómo las relaciones bilaterales entre China y Camboya son afectadas por el interés geopolítico chino, con el fin de demostrar que éste genera un fortalecimiento de sus relaciones puesto que además de suplir necesidades alimenticias, hídricas y en mano de obra barata, es el único país de la región del Sudeste Asiático que le permite a China tener acceso militar al Golfo de Tailandia y al Mar de China Meridional, donde se encuentra en desventaja con Estados Unidos. Así, se indica que la potencia asiática formula sus acuerdos bilaterales creando relaciones de dependencia por parte de países como Camboya para que este le entregue “obligatoriamente” lo que necesita. Esta investigación se llevará a cabo por medio de una monografía con un enfoque realista. Se utilizará el método de investigación cualitativo, que se servirá de fuentes primarias como los acuerdos bilaterales entre ambos Estados.
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The main research question of this thesis is how do grand strategies form. Grand strategy is defined as a state's coherent and consistent pattern of behavior over a long period of time in search of an overarching goal. The political science literature usually explains the formation of grand strategies by using a planning (or design) model. In this dissertation, I use primary sources, interviews with former government officials, and historical scholarship to show that the formation of grand strategy is better understood using a model of emergent learning imported from the business world. My two case studies examine the formation of American grand strategy during the Cold War and the post-Cold War eras. The dissertation concludes that in both these strategic eras the dominating grand strategies were formed primarily by emergent learning rather than flowing from advanced designs.
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The assumption that US policy toward Africa was characterized by continuity during the cold war has recently been challenged by scholars who argue that President John F. Kennedy embarked on an African policy that was distinct from his predecessors. This may be true for black Africa, but Kennedy’s support for African nationalism did not extend to South Africa. This article reveals that Kennedy’s cold war priorities ensured continuity in US policy toward the apartheid state and, in some cases, additional cooperation as cold war crises increased the perceived importance of South Africa as an ideological and strategic ally and bastion against communism on a rapidly changing continent. This article also explores the role South Africa’s apartheid government played in this cold war alliance. The ruling National Party recognized its importance to US foreign policy goals and used this to stave off serious American criticism of its racial policies, deflect attention in the United Nations, and ensure continued economic and military cooperation with the United States.
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Since 1960, Latin American attempts at regionalism have undergone distinct phases. More notably, they have tended to diverge across space, gradually giving birth to separate blocs that seem to be tearing South, Central and North America apart. Additionally, within and across these regions several overlapping projects coexist. This article focuses on the dynamics of segmented and overlapping regionalism in order to describe what they look like, analyse how they articulate with one another, and explain why member states have pushed for such a messy outcome. This situation, linked to the evolution of the global context, might be indicating that regionalism in Latin America has reached its peak, beyond which it may be difficult to achieve further progress. Two conclusions are elicited: first, economic integration is becoming a geographically diffused phenomenon rather than a regional one; second, regionalism is still a compelling foreign policy but its causes, goals and outcomes are no longer what they used to be.
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The chapters in this book were originally published in the The International Spectator, volume 47, issue 1 (February 2012).
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The influence of partisan politics on public policy is a much debated issue of political science. With respect to foreign policy, often considered as above parties, the question appears even more problematic. This comparison of foreign aid policies in 16 OECD countries develops a structural equation model and uses LISREL analysis to demonstrate that parties do matter, even in international affairs. Social-democratic parties have an effect on a country's level of development assistance. This effect, however, is neither immediate nor direct. First, it appears only in the long run. Second, the relationship between leftist partisan strength and foreign aid works through welfare state institutions and social spending. Our findings indicate how domestic politics shapes foreign conduct. We confirm the empirical relevance of cumulative partisan scores and show how the influence of parties is mediated by other political determinants.
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The article attempts to explain the main paradox faced by Canada at formulating its foreign policy on international security. Explained in economic and political terms, this paradox consists in the contradiction between the Canadian ability to achieve its strategic goals, serving to its own national interest and its dependence on the United States. The first section outlines three representative examples to evaluate this paradox: the Canada’s position in North American security regime, the US-Canada economic security relations, and the universe of possibilities for action of Canada as a middle power. The second section suggests that liberal agenda, especially concerning to ethical issues, has been established by this country to minimize this paradox. By pursing this agenda, Canada is able to reaffirm its national identity and therefore its independence on the United States. The third section evaluates both the explained paradox and the reaffirmation of Canadian identity during the Jean Chrétien (1993-2003), Paul Martin (2003-2006) and Stephen Harper’s (2006) governments.
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Foreword by Alicia Bárcena