Nosotros los indios: cultura autónoma e identidad en la pampa a mediados del siglo XIX

Las sociedades indígenas de la pampa a mediados del siglo XIX, no constituyeron un mundo homogéneo. No obstante, es posible reconocer en esas comunidades, estrategias puestas en juego tendientes a definir un "nosotros" frente a los "otros", los blancos cristianos. Esta situación se advierte más claramente en el momento del avance de la sociedad estatal sobre el "desierto". Como construcción social, la identidad se reforzó mediante mecanismos de resistencia, innovación y apropiación cuyo objetivo consistió en mantener el control de recursos culturales propios y de aquellos ajenos, de los que se habían apropiado, para hacer posible la existencia de una cultura autónoma. La tierra, la lengua y el plano de lo simbólico resultaron claves en este proceso dinámico.

Nosotros los indios: cultura autónoma e identidad en la pampa a mediados del siglo XIX

Las sociedades indígenas de la pampa a mediados del siglo XIX, no constituyeron un mundo homogéneo. No obstante, es posible reconocer en esas comunidades, estrategias puestas en juego tendientes a definir un "nosotros" frente a los "otros", los blancos cristianos. Esta situación se advierte más claramente en el momento del avance de la sociedad estatal sobre el "desierto". Como construcción social, la identidad se reforzó mediante mecanismos de resistencia, innovación y apropiación cuyo objetivo consistió en mantener el control de recursos culturales propios y de aquellos ajenos, de los que se habían apropiado, para hacer posible la existencia de una cultura autónoma. La tierra, la lengua y el plano de lo simbólico resultaron claves en este proceso dinámico.

Nosotros los indios: cultura autónoma e identidad en la pampa a mediados del siglo XIX

Las sociedades indígenas de la pampa a mediados del siglo XIX, no constituyeron un mundo homogéneo. No obstante, es posible reconocer en esas comunidades, estrategias puestas en juego tendientes a definir un "nosotros" frente a los "otros", los blancos cristianos. Esta situación se advierte más claramente en el momento del avance de la sociedad estatal sobre el "desierto". Como construcción social, la identidad se reforzó mediante mecanismos de resistencia, innovación y apropiación cuyo objetivo consistió en mantener el control de recursos culturales propios y de aquellos ajenos, de los que se habían apropiado, para hacer posible la existencia de una cultura autónoma. La tierra, la lengua y el plano de lo simbólico resultaron claves en este proceso dinámico.

The Study of International Cultural Relations of Postwar Japan

The paper examines policies and activities of cultural exchange carried out by Japanese national, local and private agents since the end of WWII. Methodologically, we distinctively use the notion culture as a tool and as an object of study, and to synthesize the two in full intention, based on the debate among IR students about so called Cultural Turn in IR theories. As case studies, the Japanese experiences are examined from two points. Firstly, it is compared with the German experiences in Europe, with special attention to the construction of national identity.In both countries, the peoples tried to make use of cultural exchange activities in the management of international relations. The actual developments of cultural relations by the two countries, however, were in striking contrast to each other. Secondly, our study focuses on the explosive expansion of private sector's international cultural exchange in the 1980s in association with so called "emerging civil society" phenomenon observed worldwide throughout 1970s and 1980s. By using our original approach mentioned in the Chapter 1, the paper tries to sketch out that the increase of the private organizations is largely the response of the Japanese society to outside influences, not something genuinely outgrown from within the society itself due to mainly domestic causes.

Developing an Interdependent Relationship between Preservation and Recreation: Managing Mountain Bicycling in National Parks

Increasing demand from mountain bikers for greater access to riding in National Park Service (NPS) units is driving the need for park managers to seriously look at the impacts from and feasibility of permitting this recreational use. Currently, NPS units that permit mountain bicycling do not have formal mountain bicycling management plans. An analysis of recreational policies and existing research was conducted to identify criteria for effective mountain bicycling management strategies. Criteria were developed for trail selection, establishment, use, closures and rehabilitation. Criteria were also developed for user education, participatory planning and monitoring. This study shows that the NPS needs formal mountain bicycling management plans that focus on the preservation of natural and cultural resources and consider the appropriateness of proposed recreational uses.

Russia's development assistance. OSW Commentary No. 62, 2011-10-10

In its attempts to catch up with the global trend, Russia began granting development assistance in 2004. From the onset of Russia’s commitment, the aid delivered has increased fivefold and reached approximately US$ 500 million in 2010. Russian aid, albeit distributed nearly exclusively via international organisations, has been granted above all to members of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). In recent months work on the establishment of the Russian development assistance system has been accelerated (a national strategy is being prepared and a specialised agency is to be established). This move proves that the Kremlin attaches weight to activity in this area which is an element of soft power politics, the foundations of which Moscow is currently attempting to lay. In its commitment to development co-operation Russia has sought on the one hand to increase its prestige on the international stage and on the other hand to gain another instrument of exerting its ascendancy in the CIS. The scale of aid and the way of delivering it have not made Russia an important global actor. Over the last five years Russia increased the funding allocated to development assistance several times, however, compared to other donors its aid does not appear impressive. The resources dedicated to this end stand at a mere 0.035% of Russian GDP. Unlike other non-Western superpowers such as China or India, Russia is not a competitor for Western countries in this area on the global scale. Nevertheless, within the CIS, Russia’s aid is building the country’s position as a donor. The long-term results of this aid are however being counteracted by the fact that Russia is expecting measurable and direct political and economic benefits in return. Although this policy helps Moscow achieve its objectives in the CIS, it does not develop Russian potential in the sphere of soft power or create a positive image of the country.

The Common Security and Defence Policy: National Perspectives. Egmont Paper No. 79, May 2015

FOREWORD. When one looks at the present state of the CSDP, one cannot help but look on with disenchantment at the energy that appears to have abandoned both institutions and Member States. Commentators increasingly take for granted that nothing much should be expected from this field of EU policy. The reasons for this state of mind are well known: the recent economic and financial strains, which have impacted all EU action since 2008, means that most of the Member States will struggle to keep their defence budgets at their present level in the future, and we may even see reductions. Furthermore, and to put it mildly, most of the recent CSDP operations have also experienced a lack of enthusiasm. Adding to this overall trend, the EU is far from presenting a common vision of what security and defence should really mean. Many of the Member States do not want to be involved in all of today’s international turmoils, and they rarely share the strategic culture which inspires those Member States who see themselves as having special responsibilities in dealing with these crises. In the end it may be that Member States diverge fundamentally on the simple question of whether it is relevant for the EU to engage in most of the ‘hot’ crises Europe faces; many prefer to see Europe as a soft power, mostly dedicated to intervening on less dramatic fronts and more inclined to mend than to fight. For whatever reason given, it remains that if there is a lack of common understanding on what CSDP should really be about, it should not come as a surprise if this policy is presently in stalemate. As an additional blow, the Ukrainian crisis, which dragged on for the whole of last year, could only add to the downward spiral the EU has been experiencing, with a new Russia aggressively confronting Europe in a manner not too distant from the Cold War days. This attitude has triggered the natural reaction among EU Member States to seek reassurances from NATO about their own national security. Coupled with the return of France a few years ago into the integrated military command, NATO’s renewed relevance has sent a strong message to Europe about the military organisation’s credibility with regard to collective defence. Surprisingly, this overall trend was gathering momentum at the same time as other more positive developments. The European Council of December 2013 dedicated its main session to CSDP: it underlined Europe’s role as a ‘security provider’ while adopting a very ambitious road map for Europe in all possible dimensions of the security sector. Hence the impression of a genuine boost to all EU institutions, which have been invited to join efforts and give CSDP a reinvigorated efficiency. In the same way, the increasing instability in Europe’s neighbourhood has also called for more EU operations: most recently in Iraq, Libya, Northern Nigeria or South Sudan. Pressure for further EU engagement has been one of the most constant features of the discussions taking place around these crises. Moreover, a growing number of EU partners in Asia, Latin America or Eastern Europe have shown a renewed eagerness to join CSDP missions in what sounds like a vote of confidence for EU capacities. What kind of conclusion should be drawn from this contradictory situation? Probably that the EU has much more potential than it can sometimes figure out itself, if only it would be ready to adapt to the new global realities. But, more than anything else, an enhanced CSDP needs from all Member States strong political will and a clear vision of what they want this policy to be. Without this indispensable ingredient CSDP may continue to run its course, as it does today. It may even grow in efficiency but it will keep lacking the one resource that would definitely help it overcome all the present shortcomings that have prevented Europe from finding its true role and mission through the CSDP. Member States remain central to EU security and defence policy. This is why this collection of essays is so valuable for assessing in no uncertain way the long road that lies ahead for any progress to be made. Pierre VIMONT Senior Associate at Carnegie Europe Former Executive Secretary-General of the European External Action Service

Archeological collections management at Minute Man National Historical Park, Massachusetts /

Includes bibliographies.

Fure's cabin, Bay of Islands, Naknek Lake, Katmai National Park & Preserve : historic structure report /

Cover title: Fure's cabin : historic structure report, Katmai National Park & Preserve.

Of a temporary character : an historic structure report of first fort, second fort, and the arsenal and historical base map, Fort Union National Monument, Fort Union, New Mexico /

Includes bibliographical references (p. [93]-101).

Archeological investigations along the proposed Alibates tour road improvement construction route, Alibates Flint Quarries National Monument, Potter County, Texas /

"Contract no. PX 7029-8-0986."

Staging Theater to Realize a Nation: The Development of German National Theater in the 18th Century

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-03

Global flows of foreign talent: Identity anxieties in Singapore's ethnoscape

This paper draws on Appadurai's (1996) concept of ethnoscapes — the global flow of people or what has become increasingly popularized as the global flow of talent. Singapore has initiated a foreign talent policy to compete for a global pool of talent to make up for its shortfall of indigenous work-force. The rationale for recruiting foreign talent is informed by a nationalist competitive ideology to sustain Singapore in the new knowledge-based economy. This paper examines the competing and dissenting discourses surrounding the foreign talent policy. It argues that the mobility of migratory flow has transformative and disruptive effects at the level of culture and the identity landscape of Singapore, where its discursive cultural boundaries are drawn according to a nationalist framework. Drawing on theories and concepts of ‘diaspora’, ‘hybridity’, and ‘third space’, these are the political and cultural issues that this paper attempts to tease out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]