920 resultados para position of women - countryside


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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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The article discusses the present status of weblogs and examines whether legal standards applicable to traditional press and media should be applied to that specific forum. The analysis is based on two key documents: the Draft Report on the concentration and pluralism in the media in European Union (2007/2253(INI)) of the European Parliament Committee on Culture and Education presented in March 2008 and a landmark decision of the Polish Supreme Court from July 26, 2007 (IV KK 174/07) in the light of present judicial tendency in other European countries. The first of the mentioned documents calls for the “clarification of the legal status of different categories of weblog authors and publishers as well as disclosure of interests and voluntary labelling of weblogs”. It emphasizes that the “undetermined and unindicated status of authors and publishers of weblogs causes uncertainties regarding impartiality, reliability, source protection, applicability of ethical codes and the assignment of liability in the event of lawsuits”. The position of the European Parliament, expressed in the document, raises serious questions on the limits of freedom of thought and speech on the Internet and on the degree of acceptable state control. A recent Polish Supreme Court decision, which caused quite a stir in the Polish Internet community, seems to head in the very direction recommended by the EP Culture Committee. In a case of two editors of a web journal (“czasopismo internetowe”) called “Szyciepoprzemysku”, available on-line, accused of publishing a journal without the proper registration, the Polish Supreme Court stated that “journals and periodicals do not lose the character of a press release due solely to the fact that they appear in the form of an  Internet transmission”, and that ‘’the publishing of press in an electronic form, available on the Internet, requires  registration”. The decision was most surprising, as prior lower courts decisions declined the possibility to register Internet periodicals. The accused were acquitted in the name of the constitutional principle of the rule of law (art. 7 of the Polish Constitution) and the ensuing obligation to protect the trust of a citizen to the state (a conviction in this case would break the collateral estoppel rule), however the decision quickly awoke media frenzy and raised the fear of a need to register all websites that were regularly updated. The spokesman of the Polish Supreme Court later explained that the sentence of the Court was not intended to cause a mass registration of all Internet “periodicals” and that neither weblogs nor Internet sites, that were regularly updated, needed registration. Such an interpretation of the Polish press law did not appear clear based only on the original text of the judgment and the decision as such still raises serious practical questions. The article aims to examine the status of Internet logs as press and seeks the compromise between the concerns expressed by European authorities and the freedom of thought and speech exercised on the Internet.

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The majority of women in Third World countries depend on land for their livelihood. Security of tenure is important for them to ensure sustainable development, especially in rural areas. In most parts of Africa, land ownership is affected by traditional values, inheritance rights, and government influence. These forces have provided varying types of tenure which are detrimental to the women in rural and urban areas. Land acquisition and its development has been an emotive issue due to traditional pressures and the law as regards the process of land certification. The government and traditional administrations are highly involved in the way women own land and subsequently develop it in Anglophone Cameroon. State authority over land acquisition is important, but the process for obtaining land title is herculean especially for the rural woman. This study illustrates that land acquisition and development by women constitute a problem because of traditional pressures and the law guiding the process of land certification. There is need to exhume the barriers of government’s legal instrument (The Land Consultative Board) that regulates the ownership of land and to revisit some traditional practices as regards land ownership that impact negatively on women in a changing and globalizing world. A compromise approach is advocated for land acquisition that can transcend traditional barriers as well as render the process of land registration more realistic especially for women.

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Depuis la création des Sœurs Musulmanes, le chapitre féminin des Frères Musulmans en Égypte, le rôle que l’organisation a accordé aux femmes a changé plusieurs fois. Pendant certaines périodes, les militantes ont été inclues dans les activités politiques de l’organisation, alors que pendant d’autres périodes, elles étaient forcées de s’occuper de différentes activités d’aide sociale au près de la population. Ce mémoire essaie d’expliquer les raisons qui expliquent les différents changements dans le niveau d’inclusion ou d’exclusion des militantes dans les Frères Musulmans. Cette étude utilise trois périodes pour illustrer ces différents changements : 1952-1967 (inclusion), 1970-1984 (exclusion) and 1984-2005 (inclusion). Cette recherche conclue que, pendant des périodes où la survie des Frères Musulmans est remise en question, l’organisation sera forcée d’inclure les militantes dans leurs activités. Chaque changement dans l’inclusion des femmes est aussi marqué par un changement du contexte politique et des relations avec le gouvernement. Ces changements ne sont donc pas des produits de changement idéologique de l’organisation, mais plutôt causés par des raisons rationnelles.

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Ce mémoire de maîtrise s’intéresse aux nouvelles expressions protestataires qui ont émergé après les soulèvements connus sous le « printemps arabe » en prenant, comme objet d’analyse, Uprising of Women in the Arab World (UWAW), une page Facebook qui œuvre pour les droits des femmes à travers le « monde arabe ». Ce travail propose de saisir cette page Facebook à travers les croisements d’enjeux d’arabité et de genre, dans une perspective discursive critique. La notion d’arabité désigne une appartenance commune au « monde arabe » qui reposerait sur la production de référents religieux et linguistiques partagés par l’ensemble des pays arabes. Le genre est abordé comme un langage privilégié pour signifier les rapports de pouvoir (Scott, 1988). Afin de mettre en lumière les différentes intersections de l’arabité et du genre, je propose de recourir au concept d’articulation (Hall, 1980). Ce dernier réfère à l’assemblage de différentes pratiques de production qui constituent un discours. Cette mise en relation, non-nécessaire, s’effectue dans une conjoncture régie par les forces hégémoniques du moment. Ainsi, le concept d’articulation permet d’explorer ce que font dans leur (co)présence les discours hétérogènes par et dans lesquels l’arabité et le genre sont rendus visibles dans et à travers la page UWAW. Ces articulations sont questionnées à partir du concept de chaine d’équivalence de Laclau (2008) qui désigne une condensation de revendications hétérogènes, à travers des relations d’équivalence et de différence. Ces dernières se produisent à travers l’affirmation des particularités des revendications, tandis que les relations d’équivalence sont basées sur la mise en avant de la communalité des revendications. Cette recherche est guidée par la proposition de recherche suivante : UWAW peut être comprise comme un espace discursif traversé par des chaines d’équivalences où les articulations de l’arabité et du genre se matérialiseraient selon des relations d’équivalence et de différence. Elle fait l’objet d’une analyse critique de trois campagnes ayant eu cours sur l’UWAW en 2014. Ces dernières sont abordées comme des lieux de discours, soit des espaces construits dans et par un recours à des discours spécifiques qui participent à la production de savoirs situés dont ils sont aussi, de quelque manière, les produits. Ainsi, l’analyse s’attarde à comprendre comment la production de sens repose sur des discours concurrentiels qui puisent dans des savoirs différents qu’ils contribuent à faire circuler. L’analyse démontre la grande hétérogénéité de l’arabité qui s’est manifestée sous un visage distinct dans chaque campagne. Elle est homogénéisée et universalisée dans Do You know, clivée dans Israël Apartheid Week, et citoyenne dans « Je ne resterai pas silencieuse ». Le genre est davantage stabilisé, puisqu’il agit principalement comme force universalisante dans les trois campagnes.

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The focus of this study is the stress of women entrepreneurs.As stress is associated with constraints and demands, and as a set of emerging conditions seem to affect the quality of life of women, it is more than just an occasional need to enquire in to the possibilities of promoting entrepreneurship by empowering women.As women entrepreneurs are increasingly involved in inherently complicated activities of improving their enterprise functioning ,it would be appropriate for women entrepreneurs to focus on transformational coping interventions.The study is limited to women entrepreneurs in the tiny sector.Women entrepreneurs registered in the Distric Industries ( DIC) and in the Kerala State Women’s Industries Association (KSWIA) are only selected for the study.It gaves a detailed description about empowerment of women.The social , economic ,political,ecological,and psychological importance of the study are detailed.It explains the family related stress, and the contextual system.This study is suggested on beliefs and values of women about their self-perception influencing gender bias, which contribute to stress and coping.This study is also needed about women’s believes and expectations about the probable effectiveness of various course of action and their ability to perform those actions.It is also neede for appraising coping potential of women and enhancing their stress base.It is important to research on stress and self-concept

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This thesis is an attempt to explore the problems faced by Indian Women and to examine the ways in which the human rights of women could be better protected in the light of international movements with special reference to national legislation and judicial decisions.The evolution of human rights from early period to Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 is traced in the first chapter. The second chapter deals with the evolution of human rights in India. The evolution of fundamental rights and directive principles and the role played by the Indian Judiciary in enforcing the human rights enumerated in various international instruments dealing with human rights are also dealt with in this chapter. The rights guaranteed to women under the various international documents have been dealt with in the third chapter.It is noticed that the international documents have had their impact in India leading to creation of machinery for protection of human rights. Organised violations of women's rights such as prostitution, devadasi system, domestic violence, sexual harassment at workplaces, the evil of dowry, female infanticide etc. have been analysed in the light of existing laws and decisional jurisprudence in the fourth chapter. The fifth chapter analyses the decisions and consensus that emerged from the world conferences on women and their impact on the Indian Society and Judiciary. The constitutional provisions and legislative provisions protecting the rights of women have been critically examined in the sixth chapter. Chapter seven deals with various mechanisms evolved to protect the human rights of women. The eighth chapter contains conclusions and suggestions.

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even after 45 years of independence, it is seen that women are still left cum the periphery cnf the political process. Effective and meaningful participation of women in politics remains elusive for most of them. The representation of women in the state legislatures and in both Houses of Parliament has been very marginal. The percentage of women members in the LokSabha to the total membership of the body has never touched a two-digit figure so far. Within these 45 years, India could field only five women as Union Cabinet Ministers. In the case of the various states also, the position of women's participation in political activities is not very different. On the whole, it is seen that in independent India the role played by women in the electoral politics of the country or in the day to day activities of the different political parties is very" ineffective and insignificant. The present study was undertaken to make an assessment of women's involvement in the political process of Kerala since independence. This small state in the southernmost part of India claims ‘that it possesses certain. unique features in its social fabric that makes it different from the rest of the country as far as the place of women in society is concerned.

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In this study of workers of the two industrial units, it has been found that the women workers are more committed to the organization than the men workers. The organizational commitment has been a popular research topic among organizational sociologists, industrial psychologists and labour relations specialists. Much of the early research was directed on organizational commitment of men workers and studies on organizational commitment of women workers were less when compared to that of men workers. The results of this study is partially supported by the findings of Aranya and Jacobson (1975) who found that parental responsibility is linked with maintaining stable patterns of employment.

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The women entrepreneurs, who set up business units with encouragement and institutional support, find it difficult to market their products. The marketing concept is yet to be grasped in its entirety. Women entrepreneurs especially find the marketing fiinctions difficult to carry out. Hence, this study is carried out to understand the marketing management in SSI units of women entrepreneurs

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The study is intended to estimate the existing rate of participation of women beneficiaries in the development programmes of different organisations in Kerala. It would enable one to understand whether participation is at the satisfactory level or not. Given the rate of participation, the major thrust of the analysis is on the impact of governmental and non-governmental organisations on the rate of participation. This is undertaken under the assumption that NGOs, due to their proximity to people and their needs, ensure better participation rates. Besides the organisational differences, the other major determinants of women participation such as their socio-economic characteristics, psychological make up, the nature of the programme etc. are also highlighted. 0 Since the ascribed status of women in society is inferior, the role of organisers, development personnel and local leaders is also pointed out. Thus the basic objective of the study is women participation and its determinants in the development programmes

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Domestic violence is a gender based violation of human rights having multi- dimensional repercussions in the well- being of individuals in family and society. The Indian legislation to protect the women from domestic violence is significant in providing a mechanism for enforcing positive civil rights of protection and injunction orders to the victims of domestic violence along with the existing remedies of criminal sanctions. However the Act was brought in the backdrop of an established tradition of cohesive and stable family setting. This, in turn, results in the emergence of new issues and challenges which necessitates deeper understandings of indigenous sociocultural institutions in India i.e., marriage and family. This study is an attempt to analyse the Indian law on domestic violence and to assess whether the law addresses and answers the problems of domestic violence effectively in the culture specific setting of India