La problemática del agro en la perspectiva de Aldo Ferrer : Una reevaluación del discurso político de 'La Economía Argentina' y la práctica histórica durante la apertura nacionalista (1970-1971)

La actualidad que tienen los estudios historiográficos sobre las cuestiones del agro argentino en el siglo XX y el crecimiento de trabajos de investigación y de balances sobre dicha producción generan un contexto propicio para la reevaluación crítica de los aportes que se han hecho a la historia del agro argentino desde la perspectiva cepalina, mas específicamente aquella expresada en la amplia producción del economista Aldo Ferrer: su explicación de la problemática agraria desde el análisis de las debilidades internas del sistema productivo argentino y las falencias básicas del funcionamiento de la economía capitalista constituye un discurso en perspectiva histórica que manifiesta las representaciones identitarias que los sectores capitalistas nacionales tenían del agro argentino a fines de la década del sesenta. El análisis de su clásica obra La Economía Argentina (1963) permite argumentar que en su abordaje teórico y metodológico del desarrollo económico argentino la cuestión agraria ocupa el centro de los problemas que han aquejado al sistema productivo argentino durante todo el siglo XX y especialmente durante la etapa denominada de "apertura nacionalista" (1970-1971) en la cual el autor tuvo una activa participación política como Ministro de Economía de la Nación Argentina.

TRANSFORMAÇÕES NO MUNDO DO TRABALHO NA REGIÃO DO GRANDE ABC: UMA ANÁLISE COMPREENSIVA A PARTIR DO FILME PEÕES

Com o advento da revolução industrial o capitalismo assumiu uma forma assombrosa jamais vista anteriormente em outras passagens do mundo do trabalho, ao se alimentar de um ritmo acelerado de produção, consumo e acumulação. Esta nova era baseada na mecanização e numa nova divisão do trabalho impôs ao trabalhador o principio da fragmentação, que seguindo o modelo do cronômetro da gerência científica e a linha de produção do açougue dividiu a força de trabalho do empregado e multiplicou a acumulação do empregador. Na década de 1970 o capitalismo sofreu uma crise estrutural que viria a transformar o mundo do trabalho novamente. Esta nova transformação do capital fundamentado na globalização e nos conceitos neoliberais visando ainda mais a lucratividade em cima da força de trabalho atingiu a objetividade e a subjetividade da classe-que-vive-do-trabalho ao (des)re regulamentar seus direitos e conquistas. No mundo do trabalho brasileiro as transformações do capital mundial tiveram seu impacto nos anos 1990 abalando regiões produtivas inteiras como a do Grande ABC, com o desemprego estrutural e com a reestruturação produtiva. Em 2002 o diretor de cinema Eduardo Coutinho filmou um documentário Peões com 21 operários que narram suas origens, suas participações no movimento nas décadas de 1970-1980-1990 e os desfechos de suas vidas fazendo uma construção de si pela fala. Desta forma, Peões será para esta dissertação o corpus de análise para uma aproximação entre ciência e arte, onde será utilizado o método fenomenológico para a análise das narrativas que se apresentam para compreensão da divisão do trabalho capitalista que vem transformando o mundo do trabalho e atingindo perversamente a classe-que-vive-do-trabalho ao fragmentar sua subjetividade que se explicita objetivamente na fragmentação da relação intersubjetiva com o outro, os objetos e o mundo. Por meio da aplicação do método para a compreensão das narrativas pode se chegar à seguinte síntese: os homens e mulheres, de Peões, viveram e vivem ainda hoje intensamente entre a linha tênue da resistência e da submissão, da desalienação e alienação, do despontar e do anonimato na esfera pública evidenciando a importância ainda em nossos dias do alargamento do pensamento dialético entre a lógica da acumulação capitalista versus a lógica da sobrevivência humana.

Rede de atendimento socioeducativo: possibilidades e limites da garantia de direitos

The results of the research systematized on this analysis sought apprehend the linkage of the socio-educational service network, destined to adolescents who comply with socioeducational measure of confinement, in the region of the Seridó of the state of the Rio Grande do Norte, especially in the city of Caicó, central town of this region. The achievement of this study was stimulated by the interest in unraveling the contradictory reality imposed by neoliberal State, sparing the guarantee of rights, especially to these teens, who are seen as authors of violations and are stigmatized by capitalist society. The research was carried in the period July-September 2013, under critical perspective, using the documental analysis and the observational techniques and interviews with professionals of the Educational Center (CEDUC), of the Unified Health System (SUS), of the Social Policies of Social Assistance, and of the State Department of Education, which should make the service network that gravitates around the National System of Socio-educational Services (SINASE). The Statute of Children and Adolescents (ECA) and SINASE define that the application of socioeducational measures cannot occur isolated of the public policies, becoming indispensable the linkages of the system with the social policies of social assistance, education and health. However, it was observed that the neoliberal logic of the capitalist State has developed broken, disconnected, focal and superficial social policies, who fail give effect to the rights acquired beyond the legal sphere. In this perspective, it is possible affirm that the everyday of the Brazilian poor teens is marked by the action of the State, which aims to control those who disturb the order of capital, who threaten the production, the market, the consume and the private property. This way, actions are promoted criminalizing poverty and imprint a legal action over this expression of the social issue to the detriment of social policies that meet the real needs of adolescents. Face of this reality, it becomes necessary to put on the agenda of the here and now to fight for rights, aiming at a broad public debate involving professionals, researchers and social movements in support of the viability of rights, which aims to support reflections and to strengthen ways to confront this social problem. With the approximations of this study, it was learned that the struggle for rights is a fight for another project of society, beyond what is laid.

A racionalização das condições de trabalho nos hospitais: uma análise crítica baseada em relatos de ginecologistas obstetras e pediatras atuantes na urgência e emergência

Hospitals are a big part of the service sector. Thus, such institutions are highly influenced by the logic of the capitalist accumulation, technology and forms of labor organization, especially by private organizations. Starting with the restructuring process motion and incorporation of technologies, many changes in the working process occur, therefore, the activities of medical professionals as well. During the preparation of this research items regarding the banalization of evil were identified. This banalization and resignation of the professionals face to violence are caused by the adoption of collective defense strategies. Therefore, this research aims to analyze how the rationalization of working conditions by gynecologists obstetricians and pediatricians working in the emergency rooms of public and private hospitals in Curitiba and metropolitan region occurs. An approach of mixed methods was used as methodological procedures. The naturalization of violence, the suffering which professionals are submitted to, are combined with the political and ideological control, bureaucratic control, the imaginary built about hospitals and collective defense strategies. It is therefore possible to understand that labor conditions of gynecologists obstetricians and pediatricians in emergency rooms are rationalized. When social injustice is naturalized, political strategies for changes are not possible. For this reason, the first step is to gather awareness, there is a need to unveil the reality, to understand the phenomena at its core and discard superficialities. It is also necessary that the actions and expressions of indignation to come hand in hand with political actions in order to change to happen.

The logic of political economy, and other papers /

--The logic of political economy.--Life of Milton.--The Suliotes.--The fatal marksman.--The incognito.--The dice.--The king of Hayti.

Three Shades of Embeddedness, State Capitalism as the Informal Economy, Emic Notions of the Anti-Market, and Counterfeit Garments in the Mauritian Export Processing Zone

Purpose This paper furthers the analysis of patterns regulating capitalist accumulation based on a historical anthropology of economic activities revolving around and within the Mauritian Export Processing Zone (EPZ). Design/methodology/approach This paper uses fieldwork in Mauritius to interrogate and critique two important concepts in contemporary social theory – “embeddedness” and “the informal economy.” These are viewed in the wider frame of social anthropology’s engagement with (neoliberal) capitalism. Findings A process-oriented revision of Polanyi’s work on embeddedness and the “double movement” is proposed to help us situate EPZs within ongoing power struggles found throughout the history of capitalism. This helps us to challenge the notion of economic informality as supplied by Hart and others. Social implications Scholars and policymakers have tended to see economic informality as a force from below, able to disrupt the legal-rational nature of capitalism as practiced from on high. Similarly, there is a view that a precapitalist embeddedness, a “human economy,” has many good things to offer. However, this paper shows that the practices of the state and multinational capitalism, in EPZs and elsewhere, exactly match the practices that are envisioned as the cure to the pitfalls of capitalism. Value of the paper Setting aside the formal-informal distinction in favor of a process-oriented analysis of embeddedness allows us better to understand the shifting struggles among the state, capital, and labor.

The Feasibility of Cuban Market Economy: A Comparison with Vietnam

In spite of the difficulties incurred by its people, Cuba has maintained a centrally planned economy with single party system. On the contrary, Vietnam has introduced a market economy under communist rule, and succeeded in generally improving living standards. The factors that contributed to the introduction of Vietnamese-style reforms are (1) severe economic crisis, (2) demonstration effects from neighboring countries, (3) poor social policy, (4) initiatives by ex-conservative leader/s, and (5) weak state capacity. The conditions to sustain high economic growth are (1) social sectors familiar with capitalist economics, (2) abundant labor forces with relatively low labor cost, and (3) investment by exiles. This paper analyzes to what extent Cuba meets these conditions.

Integrating Europeans: The Political Economy and Social Aspects of Europeanization. ACES Working Papers (Curriculum Development), 2012

This course, then, investigates the effects of integration on European citizens as well as the duality of the EU as a competitive and social model. It is sensitive to the involvement of social groups, protest, and domestic politics in the study of market integration. Some of the questions we explore are: What are the effects of regulatory policy-making on social actors, how do such actors’ strategies and behaviors change as a consequence, and how to they overcome their collective action problems? Why is it that the logic of integration has at times followed a logic of “permissive consensus” while at other times it has been described as a “constraining dissensus”? What is the importance of discourse in domestic politics in order to articulate and legitimate Europeanization? How do European identities change as a consequence of policymaking as well as of protest? To what extent do ordinary Europeans matter in terms of accepting and opposing the project of European integration, how do European citizens in core and peripheral EU states experience Europeanization, and how is their involvement in the integration project to be conceptualized?

The Political Economy of Financially Successful Independent Hip-Hop Artists

From 2000 to 2010, America’s music industry’s annual revenue went from $4 billion to $2 billion. Much of this is attributed to the internet’s ability to provide consumers with easy access to free music, and hip hop has been especially impacted by this trend. Utilizing document analysis and personal interviews, this study found that the success of independent artists has influenced the business strategies of major record companies. In response to a dramatic decrease in record sales, major labels have made more of an effort to sign their artists to 360 deals, which allow the labels to profit from every aspect of an artist’s brand or identity. While some independent artists are the main beneficiary of the profits generated from their music and personal brand, they also reify the commodity-form capitalist system by attempting to turn their music and brand into a fetishized commodity and by turning their audience into a fetishized commodity.

Financial media, globalisation, and China’s economic integration: comparing narrative construction of the Economist and Caijing

In June 2015, legal frameworks of the Asian Infrastructural Investment Bank were signed by its 57 founding members. Proposed and initiated by China, this multilateral development bank is considered to be an Asian counterpart to break the monopoly of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. In October 2015, China’s Central Bank announced a benchmark interest rate cut to combat the economic slowdown. The easing policy coincides with the European Central Bank’s announcement of doubts over US Fed’s commitment to raise interest rates. Global stock markets responded positively to China’s move, with the exception of the indexes from Wall Street (Bland, 2015; Elliott, 2015). In the meantime, China’s ‘One Belt, One Road’ (or New Silk Road Economic Belt) became atopic of discourse in relation to its growing global economy, as China pledged $40 billion to trade and infrastructure projects (Bermingham, 2015). The foreign policy aims to reinforce the economic belt from western China through Central Asia towards Europe, as well as to construct maritime trading routes from coastal China through the South China Sea (Summers, 2015). In 2012, The Economist launched a new China section, to reveal the complexity of the‘meteoric rise’ of China. John Micklethwait, who was then the chief editor of the magazine, said that China’s emergence as a global power justified giving it a section of its own(Roush, 2012). In July 2015, Hu Shuli, the former chief editor of Caijing, announced the launch of a think tank and financial data service division called Caixin Insight Group, which encompasses the new Caixin China Purchasing Managers Index (PMI). Incooperation with with Markit Group, a principal global provider of PMI, the index soon became a widely cited economic indicator. One anecdote from November’s Caixin shows how much has changed: in a high-profile dialogue between Hu Shuli and Kevin Rudd, Hu insisted on asking questions in English; interestingly, the former Prime Minister of Australia insisted on replying in Chinese. These recent developments point to one thing: the economic ascent of China and its increasing influence on the power play between economics and politics in world markets. China has begun to take a more active role in rule making and enforcement under neoliberal frameworks. However, due to the country’s size and the scale of its economy in comparison to other countries, China’s version of globalisation has unique characteristics. The ‘Capitalist-socialist’ paradox is vital to China’s market-oriented transformation. In order to comprehend how such unique features are articulated and understood, there are several questions worth investigating in the realms of media and communication studies,such as how China’s neoliberal restructuring is portrayed and perceived by different types of interested parties, and how these portrayals are de-contextualised and re-contextualised in global or Anglo-American narratives. Therefore, based on a combination of the themes of globalisation, financial media and China’s economic integration, this thesis attempts to explore how financial media construct the narratives of China’s economic globalisation through the deployment of comparative and multi-disciplinary approaches. Two outstanding elite financial magazines, Britain’s The Economist, which has a global readership and influence, and Caijing, China’s leading financial magazine, are chosen as case studies to exemplify differing media discourses, representing, respectively, Anglo-American and Chinese socio-economic and political backgrounds, as well as their own journalistic cultures. This thesis tries to answer the questions of how and why China’s neoliberal restructuring is constructed from a globally-oriented perspective. The construction primarily involves people who are influential in business and policymaking. Hence, the analysis falls into the paradigm of elite-elite communication, which is an important but relatively less developed perspective in studying China and its globalisation. The comparing of characteristics of narrative construction are the result of the textual analysis of articles published over a ten-year period (mid-1998 to mid-2008). The corpus of samples come from the two media outlets’ coverage of three selected events:China becoming a member of the World Trade Organization, its outward direct investment, and the listing of stocks of Chinese companies in overseas exchanges, which are mutually exclusive in sample collection and collectively exhaustive in the inclusion of articles regarding China’s economic globalisation. The findings help to understand that, despite language, socio-economic and political differences, elite financial media with globally-oriented readerships share similar methods of and approaches to agenda setting, the evaluation of news prominence, the selection of frame, and the advocacy of deeply rooted neoliberal ideas. The comparison of their distinctive features reflects the different phases of building up the sense of identity in their readers as global elites, as well as the different economic interests that are aligned with the corresponding readerships. However, textual analysis is only relevant in terms of exploring how the narratives are constructed and the elements they include; textual analysis alone prevents us from seeing the obstacles and the constrains of the journalistic practices of construction. Therefore, this thesis provides a brief discussion of interviews with practitioners from the two media, in order to understand how similar or different narratives are manifested and perceived, how the concept of neoliberalism deviates from and is justified in the Chinese context, and how and for what purpose deviations arise from Western to Chinese contexts. The thesis also contributes to defining financial media in the domain of elite communication. The relevant and closely interlocking concepts of globalisation, elitism and neoliberalism are discussed, and are used as a theoretical bedrock in the analysis of texts and contexts. It is important to address the agenda-setting and ideological role of elite financial media, because of its narrative formula of infusing business facts with opinions,which is important in constructing the global elite identity as well as influencing neoliberal policy-making. On the other hand, ‘journalistic professionalism’ has been redefined, in that the elite identity is shared by the content producer, reader and the actors in the news stories emerging from the much-compressed news cycle. The professionalism of elite financial media requires a dual definition, that of being professional in the understanding of business facts and statistics, and that of being professional in the making sense of stories by deploying economic logic.

The Political Economy of Reproduction: Motherhood, Work and the Home in Neoliberal Britain

This thesis investigates how the processes and practices of reproduction have been transformed not only by the ascendant political rationality of neoliberalism but also by women’s struggles that have reconfigured motherhood, the domestic home and the gendered organisation of employment. Through exploring both the 1970s feminist demand for “free 24- hour nurseries” and the contemporary provision of extended, overnight and flexible childcare, care that is often referred to as “24-hour childcare”, the research contributes to feminist understandings of the gendered and racialised class dynamics inside and outside the home and the wage. The research repositions the ‘Woman Question’ as, yet again unavoidable and necessary for comprehending and intervening in the brutalising consequences of capitalist accumulation. Situated within the Marxist feminist tradition, the work of reproduction is understood as a cluster of tasks, affective relations and employment that have historically been constructed and experienced as ‘women’s work’. The interrelation between the subjectivity of motherhood and the political economy of reproduction is analysed through a feminist genealogy of 24-hour childcare in Britain. Using ethnographic encounters, archival research and interview data with mothers and childcare workers, the research tells a story about the women who have worked both inside and outside the home, raised children, cooked and cleaned, and who, both historically and in the present, continue to create an immense amount of wealth and value. As women's labour market participation has steadily increased over the last 40 years, the discourse of reproduction has shifted to one in which motherhood is increasingly constructed as a choice. Within neoliberal discourse the decision to have a child is constructed as a private matter for which individuals bear the costs and responsibility. The thesis argues that, as a result of motherhood being constructed more and more as something that is chosen, the spaces of resistance and opposition towards motherhood have been limited and resistance has been individuated and privatised.

Neo-commodification of persons: exploitation of personal data and impact on the sharing economy

The notion of commodification is a fascinating one. It entails many facets, ranging from subjective debates on desirability of commodification to in depth economic analyses of objects of value and their corresponding markets. Commodity theory is therefore not just defined by a single debate, but spans a plethora of different discussions. This thesis maps and situates those theories and debates and selects one specific strain to investigate further. This thesis argues that commodity theory in its optima forma deals with the investigation into what sets commodities apart from non-commodities. It proceeds to examine the many given answers to this question by scholars ranging from the mid 1800’s to the late 2000’s. Ultimately, commodification is defined as a process in which an object becomes an element of the total wealth of societies in which the capitalist mode of production prevails. In doing so, objects must meet observables, or indicia, of commodification provided by commodity theories. Problems arise when objects are clearly part of the total wealth in societies without meeting established commodity indicia. In such cases, objects are part of the total wealth of a society without counting as a commodity. This thesis examines this phenomenon in relation to the novel commodities of audiences and data. It explains how these non-commodities (according to classical theories) are still essential elements of industry. The thesis then takes a deep dive into commodity theory using the theory on the construction of social reality by John Searle.

Review of 'The Thai Village Economy in the Past'

This charmingly old-fashioned little book was first published in Thai in 1984, and now appears in an elegant English translation. The two major intellectual influences that gave it birth are rather older, dating from the 1950s, 1960s, and early 1970s. The first developed from the intersection of the academic pre-eminence of varieties of Marxist thinking about the Third World and the struggles of anticolonial peasant-based revolutionaries and produced a high age of romanticism about the Southeast Asian village and the unfortunate victims who inhabited them. The origins of the second are more uncertain, but probably represent, paradoxically, a Thai appropriation of those Western social-science constructions of Thai cultural uniqueness which were especially popular in the 1950s and 1960s.