917 resultados para legislation (legal concepts)
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En este trabajo se plantea la influencia de la eugenesia -disciplina sistematizada por Francis Galton hacia fines del siglo XIX- en la historia jurídica argentina, haciendo particular hincapié en la regulación de la institución matrimonial y de las diversas políticas públicas tendientes a normativizar la reproducción humana. En este contexto, la impronta galtoniana subyacente a la encarnación normativa de la legislación sobre impedimentos matrimoniales y a los diversos incentivos de sesgo poblacionista selectivo instrumentados en Argentina, no sólo nos permite visualizar la tesis eugenésica ortodoxa, sino que también nos advierte sobre la perduración de estos conceptos hasta las últimas décadas del siglo XX.
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Cuando se inició el trabajo para obtener el título de doctora, el proyecto era acerca de la financiación público privada de los clubes deportivos madrileños. El punto uno de ese primer índice, versaba sobre el origen del club deportivo en la Comunidad de Madrid (en este sentido, es preciso tener en cuenta que el territorio sufrió modificaciones, lo que antes eran pueblos hoy son distritos y lo que antes era provincia hoy es Comunidad Autónoma de Madrid, nuestro ámbito territorial de estudio). Al leer la doctrina autorizada que coincidía en su totalidad en que los primeros clubes deportivos fueron de origen inglés (el Recreativo de Huelva en el año1889 era considerado el primer club de España) y recordar dudas e inquietudes al respecto que surgieron durante la licenciatura, la investigación se tornó incómoda, por no decir temeraria. ¿Por qué había que limitarse a recoger las ideas de una doctrina, sin duda hoy y entonces prestigiosa, cuando se pensaba que aquella teoría del origen británico no podía ser, aunque fuera dentro de un marco teórico? No parecía tener sentido que no hubiera habido asociacionismo en España antes de la llegada de las compañías inglesas, pero sobre todo en Madrid, siempre bulliciosa en cuanto a participación ciudadana, por varios motivos: existían juegos y deportes populares autóctonos antes de que llegara el fútbol. ¿No se asociaban los madrileños para poder competir con otros?, ¿Se equivocó Goya al pintar estampas de juegos populares?, ¿Por qué existía entonces una Ley de Asociaciones de 1887, evidentemente anterior al Recreativo de Huelva (1889)? Las leyes se elaboran en respuesta a una necesidad social o a una costumbre anterior, o a las dos cosas. ¿Nadie pensó en la costumbre, siendo fuente del Derecho junto con la Ley y los principios generales?, ¿Nadie, estando tan cerca?, ¿Nadie, figurando en el artículo 1 del Código Civil? De esta forma, la justificación y objetivos cambiaron, la investigación se volvió otra, se tenía necesidad de probar la lógica o nada. Sólo hacían falta las pruebas documentales que aportaran luz y fueran tangibles para la argumentación jurídica. Así, entre las reglas del juego de la norma jurídica, la jurisprudencia y la doctrina, se desenvuelve el marco teórico de este trabajo. Es necesario para ello conocer cómo funciona la legislación que afecta a los clubes deportivos en la actualidad para entender las similitudes con los clubes pioneros. Es preciso comprender que una Ley nunca se encuentra aislada de otras, que todas están relacionadas, que los cruces son inevitablemente ilimitados y los resultados inmensos. Se ha realizado un análisis de una realidad compleja que trasciende de lo jurídico y lo deportivo. Respecto al material y método, no se encontraban referencias de estudios comparados, desde el punto de vista jurídico, de los Estatutos de los primeros clubes deportivos madrileños, ni nombrarlos hasta que a principios del año 2013 digitalizamos en la Biblioteca Nacional el Reglamento del Instituto de Gimnástica, Equitación y Esgrima (Villalobos, 1842); la prueba documental que se buscaba para apoyar la teoría ya era tangible. Luego se encontrarían otros para añadir a la muestra y también documentación probatoria complementaria. Tampoco había trabajos sobre la documentación emanada de la Administración Pública, por lo que se han estudiado Expedientes administrativos así como su comparativa con la legislación coetánea y la actual, lo que ha permitido concretar más la forma y tipología de las primeras formas jurídicas deportivas. Para la búsqueda de documentación se ha recurrido a bibliotecas, archivos e incluso depósitos que tenían legajos sin clasificar, habían sufrido las inundaciones y carcoma que azotaron a los sótanos de Madrid e incluso a alguno el fuego le miró de reojo. La documentación encontrada ha permitido convivir con los personajes que habitaron los clubes pioneros en los primeros domicilios sociales; historias reales con banda sonora propia. Y es que el nacimiento del asociacionismo deportivo madrileño no se podría haber gestado en mejor momento; durante el Romanticismo, ni en mejor lugar, en las encrucijadas de las callejuelas estrechas cercanas a las grandes arterias de la Capital; un paseo por las calles Libertad, Barbieri, Minas, Hortaleza y Montera. Los resultados de la investigación confirman la teoría de que el primer club deportivo madrileño nada tuvo que ver con los clubes que posteriormente vinieron en los equipajes de las compañías inglesas. Ni en tiempo, son anteriores; ni en lugar, Madrid; ni en forma, la comparativa con un club británico de la época denota diferencias o mejor, deficiencias, pero más que nada en el fondo. Los clubes madrileños tenían una naturaleza que reflejaba el sentir de los primeros socios y el espíritu de la Capital: beneficencia, espectáculo, participación ciudadana y trabajo en equipo. También se demuestra, tanto en los resultados como en la discusión, las particularidades de los primeros clubes madrileños en cuanto a su relación con la imprenta, la docencia, la prensa, las instalaciones deportivas siempre compartidas con la cultura como la terminología y las equipaciones, pero sobre todo la especial relación con el inherente derecho de reunión. Difícil pensar en un principio que la prueba de la costumbre se encontrara en la cartelería teatral, y que un programa de una competición deportiva escondiera unos Estatutos durante siglos. ABSTRACT When work for a doctorate degree began, the project was about public-private financing of sports clubs Madrid. At point one of the first index, concerned the origin of the sports club in Madrid ( Keep in mind that the territory was modified, which were towns before today are districts and what was once the province is now Community Autonomous of Madrid, our territorial area of study). When reading the authoritative doctrine which coincided entirely in the first sports clubs were of English origin (Huelva Recreation Club, 1889) and remember about questions and concerns raised during the undergraduate research became awkward, if not reckless. Why it had to be limited to collecting the ideas of a doctrine certainly prestigious now and then, when it was thought that this theory could not be British origin, albeit within a framework? It did not seem to make sense that there had been associations in Spain before the arrival of British companies, but especially in Madrid, always busy in terms of citizen participation, for several reasons; and indigenous games were popular sports before the football do the locals are not associated to compete with other?, Goya was wrong to paint pictures of popular games?, Why then was no Associations Act, 1887, clearly previous Huelva Recreation Club (1889)? The laws are developed in response to a social need or a past practice, or both. No one thought of being a source of law practice with the law and the general principles? No, being so close? No one appearing in Article 1 of the Civil? Thus the rationale and objectives of the research turned back, it was necessary to try logic or anything. Only documentary evidence was needed that provide light and were tangible to the legal arguments. Thus, among the rules of the legal rule, jurisprudence and doctrine, the theoretical framework of this work develops, we need to know how legislation affects sports clubs at present to understand the similarities with clubs works pioneers, we must understand that a law is never isolated from others, they are all related, intersections are inevitably unlimited and the immense results. It has made an analysis of a complex reality that transcends the legal and sports. Regarding the material and method, no references to studies were compared, from the legal point of view, of the Statute of the first Madrid sports clubs, or name them until early 2013 digitized at the National Library of the Institute of Regulation Gymnastics, Riding and Fencing (Villalobos, 1842); the documentary evidence that was sought to support the theory was already tangible. Then they find others to add to the sample and further supporting documentation. There was also no work on the documentation issued by the Public Administration, which have been studied administrative records and their comparison with the contemporary legislation and the current, allowing more concrete form and type of the first sports legal forms. Search for documentation we have turned to libraries, archives and even deposits that were not rated bundles, had suffered flooding and decay in the basement of Madrid and even fire some looked askance. The found documents have enabled us to live with the characters that inhabited the early clubs in the first addresses; real stories with its own soundtrack. And the birth of the Madrid sports associations could not have been gestated at a better time ; during the Romantic period , or in a better place ; at the crossroads of the nearby narrow streets of the great arteries of the Capital; a walk along the Libertad, Barbieri, Minas, Hortaleza and Montera. The research results confirm the theory that the first Madrid sports club had nothing to do with the clubs that later came in the luggage of British companies, nor in time; They predate, or rather; Madrid, or in the form; the comparison with a British club denotes the time differences or rather shortcomings, but more than anything in the background; the Madrid club had a nature that reflect the sentiments of the first members and the spirit of the Capital; charity, show, citizen participation and teamwork. It is also shown in the results and discussion the particularities of the first locals clubs in their relationship with the press, teaching, media, sports facilities always shared with the culture and terminology and the kits, but all the special relationship with the inherent right of assembly; hard to think at first that the test of habit were in the theater posters, and a program of a sports competition hide Statutes for centuries.
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Estuda-se nesta tese o conteúdo jurídico do princípio da impessoalidade, previsto no art. 37, caput, da Constituição Federal de 1988, especificamente para fins de parametrização, controle e responsabilidade das decisões administrativas. Estruturam-se três eixos temáticos: a) noções introdutórias ideias de aproximação necessárias ao contexto e ao conceito do princípio da impessoalidade e do alcance de sua projeção nas decisões administrativas (póspositivismo e neoconstitucionalismo; constitucionalização; julgamento por princípios; relevância dos princípios; interesse público; direito administrativo como sistema; neutralidade política e a questão da justiça); b) impessoalidade no direito administrativo comprovação de que o princípio da impessoalidade ostenta arquétipo aberto para conferir maiores cobertura e proteção aos valores tutelados pelo texto constitucional, com ênfase à organização administrativa impessoal para assegurar um agir naturalmente impessoal (instrumentalização recíproca de princípios constitucionais; antecedentes históricos; direito estrangeiro; doutrina brasileira; impessoalidade na Constituição, nas leis e na jurisprudência; conceito de impessoalidade); c) impessoalidade nas decisões administrativas construção de um conceito de impessoalidade específico para as decisões administrativas, concebido desde a ideia de ponderação e conciliação de todos os interesses legítimos públicos e privados envolvidos em cada caso concreto (conceito e distinção de decisão administrativa impessoal em relação à decisão judicial imparcial; garantias e requisitos para a adoção de decisões impessoais, com destaque para os deveres de fundamentação (motivação), processualização e participação; algumas implicações de decisões impessoais [funcionário de fato; diminuição da discricionariedade; desvio de poder; motivação na dispensa de empregados públicos; responsabilidade civil extracontratual do Estado; necessidade de reconhecimento dos direitos dos administrados; nepotismo e revisitação da reformatio in pejus]; consequências da quebra da impessoalidade nas decisões administrativas [anulação; responsabilização do Estado e responsabilização do servidor] e, finalmente, técnicas para adoção de decisões administrativas impessoais).
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O processo para o refúgio é o conjunto de regras e princípios necessários à aplicação do Direito dos Refugiados aos casos concretos. Quando este conjunto respeita os padrões democráticos do Devido Processo Legal, as tendências históricas de exploração e manipulação política do instituto de refúgio podem ser limitadas e os objetivos humanitários deste ramo dos Direitos Humanos podem ser alcançados com maior transparência. Quando o Devido Processo Legal para o refúgio é respeitado, também se permite que a pessoa que figura como solicitante de refúgio seja tratada como sujeito de direitos - e não como objeto do processo. Uma vez que a Convenção de Genebra de 1951, sobre o Estatuto dos Refugiados, não estabeleceu normas de processo, cada país signatário necessita criar um regime próprio para processar os pedidos de determinação, extensão, perda e cessação da condição de refugiado em seus territórios. O primeiro regime processual brasileiro foi criado no ano de 1997, pela Lei Federal 9497. Desde então, o país vem desenvolvendo, através do Comitê Nacional para Refugiados (CONARE), regras infra legais e rotinas práticas que têm determinado um padrão processual ainda fragmentado e inseguro. O estudo do aparato normativo nacional e da realidade observada entre 2012 e 2014 revelam a existência de problemas (pontuais ou crônicos) sobre o cumprimento de diversos princípios processuais, tais como a Legalidade, a Impessoalidade e Independência da autoridade julgadora, o Contraditório, a Ampla Defesa, a Publicidade, a Fundamentação, a Igualdade e a Razoável Duração do Processo. Estes problemas impõem desafios variados ao Brasil, tanto em dimensão legislativa quanto estrutural. O enfrentamento destas questões precisa ocorrer com rapidez. O motivo da urgência, porém, não é a nova demanda de imigração observada no país, mas sim o fato de que as violações ao Devido Processo Legal, verificadas no processo para o refúgio brasileiro, representam, em si, violações de Direitos Humanos, que, ademais prejudicam o compromisso do país para com a proteção internacional dos refugiados.
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The extractive industry, more than any other sector of the economy, often finds itself mired in conflicts with various environmental and community interests. As traditional legal avenues of resolution gave way to the collaborative ideas of alternative dispute resolution, the outcomes, especially the relational outcomes, were less than desirable. This capstone project proposes that an Anticipatory Cooperative Effort (ACE) can help to bridge the gap between industry and environmental interests by encouraging a pro-active and pre-emptive engagement. The point of the ACE concept is not that it defines a new set of principles so much as it repositions where established ADR principles are entertained.
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This study aimed to determine if legislation on violence against women (VAW) worldwide contains key components recommended by the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) and the United Nations (UN) to help strengthen VAW prevention and provide better integrated victim protection, support, and care. A systematic search for VAW legislation using international legal databases and other electronic sources plus data from previous research identified 124 countries/territories with some type of VAW legislation. Full legal texts were found for legislation from 104 countries/territories. Those available in English, Portuguese, and Spanish were downloaded and compiled and the selection criteria applied (use of any of the common terms related to VAW, including intimate partner violence (IPV), and reference to at least two of six sectors (education, health, judicial system, mass media, police, and social services) with regard to VAW interventions (protection, support, and care). A final sample from 80 countries/territories was selected and analyzed for the presence of key components recommended by PAHO and the UN (reference to the term "violence against women" in the title; definitions of different types of VAW; identification of women as beneficiaries; and promotion of (reference to) the participation of multiple sectors in VAW interventions). Few countries/territories specifically identified women as the beneficiaries of their VAW legislation, including those that labeled their legislation "domestic violence" law ( n = 51), of which only two explicitly mentioned women as complainants/survivors. Only 28 countries/territories defined the main forms of VAW (economic, physical, psychological, and sexual) in their VAW legislation. Most highlighted the role of the judicial system, followed by that of social services and the police. Only 28 mentioned the health sector. Despite considerable efforts worldwide to strengthen VAW legislation, most VAW laws do not incorporate the key recommended components. Significant limitations were found in the legislative content, its application, and the extent to which it provided women with integrated protection, support, and care. In developing new VAW legislation, policymakers should consider the vital role of health services.
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[From the Introduction]. The economic rules, or put more ambitiously, the economic constitution of the Treaty,1 only apply to economic activities. This general principle remains valid, even if some authors strive to demonstrate that certain Treaty rules also apply in the absence of an economic activity,2 and despite the fact that non-economic (horizontal) Treaty provisions (e.g. principle of nondiscrimination, rules on citizenship) are also applicable in the absence of any economic activity.3 Indeed, the exercise of some economic activity transcends the concepts of ‘goods’ (having positive or negative market value),4 workers (even if admitted in an extensive manner),5 and services (offered for remuneration).6 It is also economic activity or ‘the activity of offering goods and services into the market’7 that characterises an ‘undertaking’ thus making the competition rules applicable. Further, it is for regulating economic activity that Article 115 TFEU, Article 106(3) TFEU and most other legal bases in the TFEU provide harmonisation powers in favour of the EU. Last but not least, Article 14 TFEU on the distinction between services of general economic interest (SGEIs) and non-economic services of general interest (NESGIs), as well as Protocol n. 26 on Services of General Interest (SGIs) confirm the constitutional significance of the distinction between economic and non-economic: a means of dividing competences between the EU and the member states. The distinction between economic and non-economic activities is fraught with legal and technical intricacies – the latter being generated by dynamic technological advances and regulatory experimentation. More importantly, however, the distinction is overcharged with political and ideological significations and misunderstandings and, even, terminological confusions.8
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Introduction. The internal market for services is one of the objectives set by the founding fathers of the EC back in 1957. It is only in the last ten-fifteen years, however, that this aspect of the internal market has seriously attracted the attention of the EC legislature and judiciary.1 With the exception of some sector-specific directives dating back in the late ‘80s, it is only with the deregulation of network industries, the development of electronic communications and the spread of financial services, in the ‘90s that substantial bits of legislation got adopted in the field of services. Similarly, the European Court of Justice (ECJ, the Court) left the principles established in Van Binsbergen back in 1973, hibernate for a long time before fully applying them in Säger and constantly thereafter.2 Ever since, the Court’s case law in this field has grown so important that it has become the compulsory starting point for any study concerning the (horizontal) regulation of the internal market in services. The limits inherent to negative integration and to the casuistic approach pursued by judiciary decisions have prompted the need for a general legislative text to be adopted for services in the internal market. This text, however, hotly debated both at the political and at the legal level, has ended up in little more than a complex restatement of the Court’s case law. It may be, however, that this ‘little more’ is not that little. In view of the ever expanding application of the Treaty rules on services, promoted by the ECJ (para. 1),3 the Directive certainly appears to be a limited regulatory attempt (para. 2). This, however, does not mean that the Directive is a toothless, or useless regulatory instrument (conclusion: para. 3).
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Takeovers are one-off events, altering control and strategy within an organisation. But the chances of becoming the target of a bid, even where remote, daily influence corporate decision-making. Takeover rules are therefore central to company law and the balance of power among managers, shareholders and stakeholders alike. This study analyses the corporate governance drivers underpinning takeover bid regulations and assesses the implementation of the EU Directive on takeover bids and compares it with the legal framework of nine other major jurisdictions, including the US. It finds that similar rules have different effects depending on company-level and country-level characteristics and considers the use of modular legislation and optional provisions to cater for them.
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This study provides a comparative analysis of the national legal regimes and practices governing the use of intelligence information as evidence in the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands and Sweden. It explores notably how national security can be invoked to determine the classification of information and evidence as 'state secrets' in court proceedings and whether such laws and practices are fundamental rights- and rule of law-compliant. The study finds that, in the majority of Member States under investigation, the judiciary is significantly hindered in effectively adjudicating justice and guaranteeing the rights of the defence in ‘national security’ cases. The research also illustrates that the very term ‘national security’ is nebulously defined across the Member States analysed, with no national definition meeting legal certainty and “in accordance with the law” standards and a clear risk that the executive and secret services may act arbitrarily. The study argues that national and transnational intelligence community practices and cooperation need to be subject to more independent and effective judicial accountability and be brought into line with EU 'rule of law' standards.
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Cover title.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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First ed. issued by the Pan American Union Juridical Division.
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Reprint of the 1917 ed.