309 resultados para gods


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La ricognizione delle opere composte da Filippo Tommaso Marinetti tra il 1909 e il 1912 è sostenuta da una tesi paradossale: il futurismo di Marinetti non sarebbe un'espressione della modernità, bensì una reazione anti-moderna, che dietro a una superficiale ed entusiastica adesione ad alcune parole d'ordine della seconda rivoluzione industriale nasconderebbe un pessimismo di fondo nei confronti dell'uomo e della storia. In questo senso il futurismo diventa un emblema del ritardo culturale e del gattopardismo italiano, e anticipa l’analoga operazione svolta in politica da Mussolini: dietro un’adesione formale ad alcune istanze della modernità, la preservazione dello Status Quo. Marinetti è descritto come un corpo estraneo rispetto alla cultura scientifica del Novecento: un futurista senza futuro (rarissime in Marinetti sono le proiezioni fantascientifiche). Questo aspetto è particolarmente evidente nelle opere prodotte del triennio 1908-1911, che non solo sono molto diverse dalle opere futuriste successive, ma per alcuni aspetti rappresentano una vera e propria antitesi di ciò che diventerà il futurismo letterario a partire dal 1912, con la pubblicazione del Manifesto tecnico della letteratura futurista e l'invenzione delle parole in libertà. Nelle opere precedenti, a un sostanziale disinteresse per il progressismo tecnologico corrispondeva un'attenzione ossessiva per la corporeità e un ricorso continuo all'allegoria, con effetti particolarmente grotteschi (soprattutto nel romanzo Mafarka le futuriste) nei quali si rilevano tracce di una concezione del mondo di sapore ancora medioevo-rinascimentale. Questa componente regressiva del futurismo marinettiano viene platealmente abbandonata a partire dal 1912, con Zang Tumb Tumb, salvo riaffiorare ciclicamente, come una corrente sotterranea, in altre fasi della sua carriera: nel 1922, ad esempio, con la pubblicazione de Gli indomabili (un’altra opera allegorica, ricca di reminiscenze letterarie). Quella del 1912 è una vera e propria frattura, che nel primo capitolo è indagata sia da un punto di vista storico (attraverso la documentazione epistolare e giornalistica vengono portate alla luce le tensioni che portarono gran parte dei poeti futuristi ad abbandonare il movimento proprio in quell'anno) che da un punto di vista linguistico: sono sottolineate le differenze sostanziali tra la produzione parolibera e quella precedente, e si arrischia anche una spiegazione psicologica della brusca svolta impressa da Marinetti al suo movimento. Nel secondo capitolo viene proposta un'analisi formale e contenutistica della ‘funzione grottesca’ nelle opere di Marinetti. Nel terzo capitolo un'analisi comparata delle incarnazioni della macchine ritratte nelle opere di Marinetti ci svela che quasi sempre in questo autore la macchina è associata al pensiero della morte e a una pulsione masochistica (dominante, quest'ultima, ne Gli indomabili); il che porta ad arrischiare l'ipotesi che l'esperienza futurista, e in particolare il futurismo parolibero posteriore al 1912, sia la rielaborazione di un trauma. Esso può essere interpretato metaforicamente come lo choc del giovane Marinetti, balzato in pochi anni dalle sabbie d'Alessandria d'Egitto alle brume industriali di Milano, ma anche come una reale esperienza traumatica (l'incidente automobilistico del 1908, “mitologizzato” nel primo manifesto, ma che in realtà fu vissuto dall'autore come esperienza realmente perturbante).

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L’enigma della relazione tra Gesù e Giovanni il Battista ha da sempre stimolato l’immaginazione storica degli studiosi, suscitando una varietà di ipotesi e valutazioni, spesso assai diverse. Ciò nonostante, tutti concordano su un punto: che, almeno nella sua fase maggiore in Galilea, il ministero di Gesù fosse una realtà essenzialmente autonoma, diversa, originale e irriducibile rispetto alla missione di Giovanni. In controtendenza con questa “impostazione predefinita”, il presente studio sostiene la tesi secondo cui Gesù portò avanti la sua missione come intenzionale e programmatica prosecuzione dell’opera prematuramente interrotta di Giovanni. Nella prima parte, si esamina approfonditamente quale memoria della relazione sia conservata nelle fonti più antiche, cioè Q (qui analizzata con particolare attenzione) e Marco – a cui si aggiunge Matteo, che, in ragione dello stretto legame storico-sociologico con Q, offre un esempio illuminante di rinarrazione della memoria altamente originale eppure profondamente fedele. La conclusione è che la memoria più antica della relazione Gesù-Giovanni è profondamente segnata da aspetti di accordo, conformità e allineamento. Nella seconda parte si esaminano una serie di tradizioni che attestano che Gesù era percepito pubblicamente in relazione al Battista e che egli stesso condivideva e alimentava tale percezione riallacciandosi a lui in polemica con i suoi avversari, e dipingendolo come una figura di capitale importanza nella predicazione e nell’insegnamento a seguaci e discepoli. Infine, si argomenta l’esistenza di ampie e sostanziali aree di accordo tra i due a livello di escatologia, istruzioni etiche e programma sociale, missione penitenziale verso i peccatori e attività battesimale. L’ipotesi che Gesù portasse avanti l’attività riformatrice di Giovanni, in termini di una campagna purificatoria “penitenziale-battesimale-esorcistica” in preparazione dell’avvento di Dio, consente infine di armonizzare in modo soddisfacente i due aspetti più caratteristici dell’attività di Gesù (normalmente giustapposti, quando non contrapposti): escatologia e miracoli, il Gesù profeta e il Gesù taumaturgo.

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Con le "Imagini degli dei degli antichi", pubblicate a Venezia nel 1556 e poi in più edizioni arricchite e illustrate, l’impegnato gentiluomo estense Vincenzo Cartari realizza il primo, fortunatissimo manuale mitografico italiano in lingua volgare, diffuso e tradotto in tutta l’Europa moderna. Cartari rimodula, secondo accenti divulgativi ma fedeli, fonti latine tradizionali: come le ricche "Genealogie deorum gentilium" di Giovanni Boccaccio, l’appena precedente "De deis gentium varia et multiplex historia" di Lilio Gregorio Giraldi, i curiosi "Fasti" ovidiani, da lui stesso commentati e tradotti. Soprattutto, però, introduce il patrimonio millenario di favole ed esegesi classiche, di aperture egiziane, mediorientali, sassoni, a una chiave di lettura inedita, agile e vitalissima: l’ecfrasi. Le divinità e i loro cortei di creature minori, aneddoti leggendari e attributi identificativi si susseguono secondo un taglio iconico e selettivo. Sfilano, in trionfi intrisi di raffinato petrarchismo neoplatonico e di emblematica picta poesis rinascimentale, soltanto gli aspetti figurabili e distintivi dei personaggi mitici: perché siano «raccontate interamente» tutte le cose attinenti alle figure antiche, «con le imagini quasi di tutti i dei, e le ragioni perché fossero così dipinti». Così, le "Imagini" incontrano il favore di lettori colti e cortigiani eleganti, di pittori e ceramisti, di poeti e artigiani. Allestiscono una sorta di «manuale d’uso» pronto all’inchiostro del poeta o al pennello dell’artista, una suggestiva raccolta di «libretti figurativi» ripresi tanto dalla maniera di Paolo Veronese o di Giorgio Vasari, quanto dal classicismo dei Carracci e di Nicolas Poussin. Si rivelano, infine, summa erudita capace di attirare appunti e revisioni: l’antiquario padovano Lorenzo Pignoria, nel 1615 e di nuovo nel 1626, vi aggiunge appendici archeologiche e comparatistiche, interessate al remoto regno dei faraoni quanto agli esotici idoli orientali e dei Nuovi Mondi.

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This project intertwines philosophical and historico-literary themes, taking as its starting point the concept of tragic consciousness inherent in the epoch of classicism. The research work makes use of ontological categories in order to describe the underlying principles of the image of the world which was created in philosophical and scientific theories of the 17th century as well as in contemporary drama. Using these categories brought Mr. Vilk to the conclusion that the classical picture of the world implied a certain dualism; not the Manichaean division between light and darkness but the discrimination between nature and absolute being, i.e. God. Mr. Vilk begins with an examination of the philosophical essence of French classical theatre of the XVII and XVIII centuries. The history of French classical tragedy can be divided into three periods: from the mid 17th to early 19th centuries when it triumphed all over France and exerted a powerful influence over almost all European countries; followed by the period of its rejection by the Romantics, who declared classicism to be "artificial and rational"; and finally our own century which has taken a more moderate line. Nevertheless, French classical tragedy has never fully recovered its status. Instead, it is ancient tragedy and the works of Shakespeare that are regarded to be the most adequate embodiment of the tragic. Consequently they still provoke a great number of new interpretations ranging from specialised literary criticism to more philosophical rumination. An important feature of classical tragedy is a system of rules and unities which reveals a hidden ontological structure of the world. The ontological picture of the dramatic world can be described in categories worked out by medieval philosophy - being, essence and existence. The first category is to be understood as a tendency toward permanency and stability (within eternity) connected with this or that fragment of dramatic reality. The second implies a certain set of permanent elements that make up the reality. And the third - existence - should be understood as "an act of being", as a realisation of permanently renewed processes of life. All of these categories can be found in every artistic reality but the accents put on one or another and their interrelations create different ontological perspectives. Mr. Vilk plots the movement of thought, expressed in both philosophical and scientific discourses, away from Aristotle's essential forms, and towards a prioritising of existence, and shows how new forms of literature and drama structured the world according to these evolving requirements. At the same time the world created in classical tragedy fully preserves another ontological paradigm - being - as a fundamental permanence. As far as the tragic hero's motivations are concerned this paradigm is revealed in the dedication of his whole self to some cause, and his oath of fidelity, attitudes which shape his behaviour. It may be the idea of the State, or personal honour, or something borrowed from the emotional sphere, passionate love. Mr. Vilk views the conflicting ambivalence of existence and being, duty as responsibility and duty as fidelity, as underlying the main conflict of classical tragedy of the 17th century. Having plotted the movement of the being/existence duality through its manifestations in 17th century tragedy, Mr. Vilk moves to the 18th century, when tragedy took a philosophical turn. A dualistic view of the world became supplanted by the Enlightenment idea of a natural law, rooted in nature. The main point of tragedy now was to reveal that such conflicts as might take place had an anti-rational nature, that they arose as the result of a kind of superstition caused by social reasons. These themes Mr. Vilk now pursues through Russian dramatists of the 18th and early 19th centuries. He begins with Sumarakov, whose philosophical thought has a religious bias. According to Sumarakov, the dualism of the divineness and naturalness of man is on the one hand an eternal paradox, and on the other, a moral challenge for humans to try to unite the two opposites. His early tragedies are not concerned with social evils or the triumph of natural feelings and human reason, but rather the tragic disharmony in the nature of man and the world. Mr Vilk turns next to the work of Kniazhnin. He is particularly keen to rescue his reputation from the judgements of critics who accuse him of being imitative, and in order to do so, analyses in detail the tragedy "Dido", in which Kniazhnin makes an attempt to revive the image of great heroes and city-founders. Aeneas represents the idea of the "being" of Troy, his destiny is the re-establishment of the city (the future Rome). The moral aspect behind this idea is faithfulness, he devotes himself to Gods. Dido is also the creator of a city, endowed with "natural powers" and abilities, but her creation is lacking internal stability grounded in "being". The unity of the two motives is only achieved through Dido's sacrifice of herself and her city to Aeneus. Mr Vilk's next subject is Kheraskov, whose peculiarity lies in the influence of free-mason mysticism on his work. This section deals with one of the most important philosophical assumptions contained in contemporary free-mason literature of the time - the idea of the trinitarian hierarchy inherent in man and the world: body - soul - spirit, and nature - law - grace. Finally, Mr. Vilk assess the work of Ozerov, the last major Russian tragedian. The tragedies which earned him fame, "Oedipus in Athens", "Fingal" and "Dmitri Donskoi", present a compromise between the Enlightenment's emphasis on harmony and ontological tragic conflict. But it is in "Polixene" that a real meeting of the Russian tradition with the age-old history of the genre takes place. The male and female characters of "Polixene" distinctly express the elements of "being" and "existence". Each of the participants of the conflict possesses some dominant characteristic personifying a certain indispensable part of the moral world, a certain "virtue". But their independent efforts are unable to overcome the ontological gap separating them. The end of the tragedy - Polixene's sacrificial self-immolation - paradoxically combines the glorification of each party involved in the conflict, and their condemnation. The final part of Mr. Vilk's research deals with the influence of "Polixene" upon subsequent dramatic art. In this respect Katenin's "Andromacha", inspired by "Polixene", is important to mention. In "Andromacha" a decisive divergence from the principles of the philosophical tragedy of Russian classicism and the ontology of classicism occurs: a new character appears as an independent personality, directed by his private interest. It was Katenin who was to become the intermediary between Pushkin and classical tragedy.

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Computerspiele sind ein religionswissenschaftlich relevanter Forschungsgegenstand. Durch ihre weite gesellschaftliche Verbreitung und die häufige Vermittlung religiöser Inhalte sind sie Beispiele der medialen Kommunikation über Religion sowie Agenten der religiösen Sozialisation. Bislang fehlen Methoden, um Computerspiele auf relevante Inhalte und deren Bedeutungen hin zu lesen. Auf der Grundlage der Zeichenlehre von Charles S. Peirce und der Theorie der Spielelemente nach Aki Järvinen wird eine Methode zur Feststellung und Analyse von religiösen Inhalten in Computerspielen vorgestellt und am Beispiel des erfolgreichen Strategiespiels Civilization V: Gods & Kings veranschaulicht. Der Beschreibung und Inhaltsanalyse folgt eine Interpretation in Anlehnung an medienspezifische Theorien und Beobachtungen.

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Considering that endemic hunger is a consequence of poverty, and that food is arguably the most basic of all human needs, this book chapter shows one of the more prominent examples of rules and policy fragmentation but also one of the most blatant global governance problems. The three monotheistic religions Judaism, Christians and Islam are surprisingly unanimous about God’s prescriptions on hunger or, put theologically, on what can be said, or should be said, about the interpretations and traditions which, taken together, form the respective and differentiated traditions, identities and views of these beliefs on how to deal with poverty and hunger. A clear social ethos, in the form of global needs satisfaction, runs through both Jewish and Christian texts, and the Qur’an (Zakat). It confirms the value inversion between the world of the mighty and that of the hungry. The message is clear: because salvation is available only through the grace of God, those who have must give to those who have not. This is not charity: it is an inversion of values which can not be addressed by spending 0.7% of your GDP on ODA, and the implication of this sense of redistributive justice is that social offenders will be subject to the Last Judgement. Interestingly, these religious scriptures found their way directly into the human rights treaties adopted by the United Nations and ratified by the parliaments, as a legal base for the duty to protect, to respect and to remedy. On the other side the contradiction with international trade law is all the more flagrant, and it has a direct bearing on poverty: systematic surplus food dumping is still allowed under WTO rules, despite the declared objective ‘to establish a fair and market-oriented agricultural trading system’. A way forward would be a kind of ‘bottom up’ approach by focusing on extreme cases of food insecurity caused by food dumping, or by export restrictions where a direct effect of food insecurity in other countries can be established. Also, international financing institutions need to review their policies and lending priorities. The same goes for the bilateral investment treaties and a possible ‘public interest’ clause, at least in respect of agricultural land acquisitions in vulnerable countries. The bottom line is this: WTO rules cannot entail a right to violate other, equally binding treaty obligations when its membership as a whole claims to contribute to the Millennium Development Goals and pledges to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger.

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The presentation will start by unfolding the various layers of chariot imagery in early Indian sources, namely, chariots as vehicles of gods such as the sun (sūrya), i.e. as symbol of cosmic stability; chariots as symbols of royal power and social prestige e.g. of Brahmins; and, finally, chariots as metaphors for the “person”, the “mind” and the “way to liberation” (e.g., Kaṭ.-Up. III.3; Maitr.-Up. II. 6). In Buddhist and non-Buddhist sources, chariots are in certain aspects used as a metaphor for the (old) human body (e.g., Caraka-S., Vi.3.37-38; D II.100; D II.107); apart from that, there is, of course, mention of the “real” use of chariots in sports, cults, journey, and combat. The most prominent example of the Buddhist use of chariot imagery is its application as a model for the person (S I.134 f.; Milindapañha, ed. Trenckner, 26), i.e., for highlighting the “non-substantial self”. There are, however, other significant examples of the usage of chariot imagery in early Buddhist texts. Of special interest are those cases in which chariot metaphors were applied in order to explain how the ‘self’ may proceed on the way to salvation – with ‘mindfulness’ or the ‘self’ as charioteer, with ‘wisdom’ and ‘confidence’ as horses etc. (e.g. S I. 33; S V.7; Dhp 94; or the Nārada-Jātaka, No. 545, verses 181-190). One might be tempted to say that these instances reaffirm the traditional soteriology of a substantial “progressing soul”. Taking conceptual metaphor analysis as a tool, I will, in contrast, argue that there is a special Buddhist use of this metaphor. Indeed, at first sight, it seems to presuppose a non-Buddhist understanding (the “self” as charioteer; the chariot as vehicle to liberation, etc.). Yet, it will be argued that in these cases the chariot imagery is no longer fully “functional”. The Buddhist usage may, therefore, best be described as a final allegorical phase of the chariot-imagery, which results in a thorough deconstruction of the “chariot” itself.

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R. G. Collingwood’s philosophical analysis of religious atonement as a dialectical process of mortal repentance and divine forgiveness is explained and criticized. Collingwood’s Christian concept of atonement, in which Christ TeX the Atonement (and also TeX the Incarnation), is subject in turn to another kind of dialectic, in which some of Collingwood’s leading ideas are first surveyed, and then tested against objections in a philosophical evaluation of their virtues and defects, strengths and weaknesses. Collingwood’s efforts to synthesize objective and subjective aspects of atonement, and his proposal to solve the soteriological problem as to why God becomes flesh, as a dogma of some Christian belief systems, is finally exposed in adversarial exposition as inadequately supported by one of his main arguments, designated here as Collingwood’s Dilemma. The dilemma is that sin is either forgiven or unforgiven by God. If God forgives sin, then God’s justice is lax, whereas if God does not forgive sin, then, also contrary to divine nature, God lacks perfect loving compassion. The dilemma is supposed to drive philosophy toward a concept of atonement in which the sacrifice of Christ is required in order to absolve God of the lax judgment objection. God forgives sin only when the price of sin is paid, in this case, by the suffering and crucifixion of God’s avatar. The dilemma can be resolved in another way than Collingwood considers, undermining his motivation for synthesizing objective and subjective facets of the concept of atonement for the sake of avoiding inconsistency. Collingwood is philosophically important because he asks all the right questions about religious atonement, and points toward reasonable answers, even if he does not always deliver original philosophically satisfactory solutions.

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In his famous final essay Franz Rosenzweig neglects to mention that he had referred to the expression “the Eternal” already in The Star of Redemp­tion. Through a comprehensive analysis of his writings, and in particular of his masterpiece, the article seeks to research thoroughly Rosenzweig’s use of this expression. The revelation of God’s name is a core issue in The Star of Redemption. While elaborating on the structure of the Star, Rosenzweig seeks to cap­ture the crucial meaning of God’s name by translating it as “the Eternal,” thereby enabling us to consider the thought of eternity as presenting the “synthesis” within the system of The Star of Redemption. Commonly perceived to convey an infinite progression of time, Rosenzweig’s understanding of the concept of eternity in The Star proves to be richer, including the idea of the everlasting as well as the notion of a constantly renewing presence. The article furthermore shows that the concept of the meaning of God’s name oriented at the present, as de­vised by Rosenzweig together with Martin Buber in their joint work of transla­tion, had already been articulated in The Star.

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The death of a mother in childbirth leaving a newborn deserted is a sort of a desecration. This was a frequent event for early physicians. It was felt to be caused by miasmas or punishment from the gods. DaVinci felt the cause was milk stasis, Hippocrates - lochia, Virchow - weather. Then came Semmelweis, Pasteur and Lister. They started a battle with ignorance, hospital administration, budget and academic politics. Ending with the murder of Semmelweis!

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Plutarco tiene gran interés por numerosos datos religiosos y míticos. Concretamente, Zeus está registrado 542 veces en su obra. Zeus se nos muestra como dios del cielo y de los fenómenos atmosféricos, dios supremo, sabio y protector de la justicia; se analizan sus relaciones con otros dioses y seres asimilados. Es interesante examinar los apelativos atribuidos al gran dios. Asimismo, sobresale la relación del dios con los mortales. Plutarco se ocupa, asimismo, del llamado Zeus de los filósofos y del Zeus egipcio. El escritor se muestra crítico en ocasiones con respecto a ciertas creencias o tradiciones referentes al gran dios.

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A fines de los años 40’, el filósofo norteamericano Arthur Lovejoy y el en ese momento Presidente del Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Anton Pegis, sostuvieron una interesante discusión sobre la existencia de libertad o necesidad eficiente en el acto divino de crear conforme a la filosofía de Tomás de Aquino. Lovejoy denunciaba una supuesta incoherencia fundamental en las enseñanzas de Tomás al respecto. Según él, en el concepto tomásico de creación se encuentran implicados al mismo tiempo los conceptos de necesidad agente y libre albedrío aplicados al Creador. Esta supuesta contradicción era para Pegis no sólo falsa sino imposible. Aquí repensaremos dos puntos centrales de dicha discusión: en primer lugar, si, como piensa Lovejoy, para Santo Tomás efectivamente existe una contraposición entre la autosuficiencia de Dios y su capacidad para amar otras cosas distintas de Él. Luego, el significado de la frase: “condice a la bondad divina que también otras cosas participen de la misma". (S.th., I, q.19, a.2).

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En el siglo XIII, ningún autor negaba la absoluta simplicidad de Dios. Sin embargo, se utilizaban múltiples nombres para hablar de lo divino. ¿Se pueden considerar verdaderos todos esos predicados, sin que ello implique concebir una multiplicidad real en la esencia divina? Este trabajo intenta mostrar, bajo la guía de Tomás de Aquino, que la pluralidad de atributos divinos no contradice la simplicidad divina y que, sin entenderlos como sinónimos, dichos nombres constituyen predicaciones verdaderas in divinis.

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In this paper the author analyses the concept of the mind in the Alcuin’s treatise De ratione animae. Following the teaching of the Fathers, specially Augustine and Isidore of Sevilla, Alcuin of York comprehends the mind as a nominal part of the soul and as its highest peak, the way in which the man is a God’s image. Finally is presented an sketch of the Alcuin’s knowledge theory as exposed in this treatise.