Incidencia de la sociedad civil en la re-implementación del componente destinado a incentivar el uso de la bicicleta en el marco de la política pública de movilidad en Bogotá entre los años de 2009 a 2012

El texto muestra la evolución del componente destinado a incentivar el uso de la bicicleta en el marco de la política de movilidad de Bogotá desde Mockus hasta Petro y también el papel de la sociedad civil en el proceso de la reimplementación de dicho componente en la alcaldía de Moreno y en la de Petro.

The municipality and neighborhood associative entities in argentine cities: its resignification after the decentralization of the ‘80s A case study: The municipality of Río Cuarto and their neighborhood associations

In Argentina, the restructuring of the State initially raised as a public policy in the 1980s and in-depth in the ‘ 90s under the neoliberal model accentuated - between other processes, of the administrative  decentralization, which also resulted in new roles awarded to municipalities. That’s how various actors in society charged leadership. The local and urban were the subject of renewed interpretations,  scenarios where practices more fully participatory citizen could be settled. In the neighborhoods  of cities, grass-roots organizations cultivated his role as space intermediation. This article discusses  and reflects on these new roles that launched from the changes in articulation with the municipality  since the mid-’ 80s and ‘ 90s, and problematizes particularly about the contents and scope of participatory practices inside and outside of organizations of civil society in the neo-liberal situation.

Conflict and child labor: evidence from poor households in Colombia

Colombia suffers from one of the longest civil conflicts in the world, which is believed to have had several consequences on the country’s economic and development performance. This study uses measures of central government deterrence effort as instruments of conflict to estimate the impact of conflict on children’s time allocation to two different types of work: housework and work performed outside the household for poor families living in small municipalities in Colombia. I find that conflict significantly increases the amount of time children allocate to work. Both housework, for girls, and work outside the household, for boys, increase with Guerrilla attacks. However, the later effect is the opposite for Paramilitary attacks.

Violence and growth in colombia : a review of the quantitative literature

This is a critical review of the empirical literature on the relationship between violence and economic growth in Colombia: an interesting case study for social scientists studying violence, conflict, crime and development. We argue that, despite the rapid development of this literature and the increasing use of new techniques, there is still much room for research. After assessing the contribution of the most influential papers on the subject, we suggest directions for future research.

Don't make war, make elections : Franchise extension and violence in XIXth-century Colombia

This paper studies the effect of strengthening democracy, as captured by an increase in voting rights, on the incidence of violent civil conflict in nineteenth-century Colombia. Empirically studying the relationship between democracy and conflict is challenging, not only because of conceptual problems in defining and measuring democracy, but also because political institutions and violence are jointly determined. We take advantage of an experiment of history to examine the impact of one simple, measurable dimension of democracy (the size of the franchise) on con- flict, while at the same time attempting to overcome the identification problem. In 1853, Colombia established universal male suffrage. Using a simple difference-indifferences specification at the municipal level, we find that municipalities where more voters were enfranchised relative to their population experienced fewer violent political battles while the reform was in effect. The results are robust to including a number of additional controls. Moreover, we investigate the potential mechanisms driving the results. In particular, we look at which components of the proportion of new voters in 1853 explain the results, and we examine if results are stronger in places with more political competition and state capacity. We interpret our findings as suggesting that violence in nineteenth-century Colombia was a technology for political elites to compete for the rents from power, and that democracy constituted an alternative way to compete which substituted violence.

Greek, Latin, and the Indian Civil Service

This is a slightly revised version of an article first published in the Cambridge Classical Journal, vol. 51 (2005), pp. 35-71.

Building a left coast: the legacy of the California Popular Front and the challenge to Cold War liberalism in the post-world war two era

The Cold War in the late 1940s blunted attempts by the Truman administration to extend the scope of government in areas such as health care and civil rights. In California, the combined weakness of the Democratic Party in electoral politics and the importance of fellow travelers and communists in state liberal politics made the problem of how to advance the left at a time of heightened Cold War tensions particularly acute. Yet by the early 1960s a new generation of liberal politicians had gained political power in the Golden State and was constructing a greatly expanded welfare system as a way of cementing their hold on power. In this article I argue that the New Politics of the 1970s, shaped nationally by Vietnam and by the social upheavals of the 1960s over questions of race, gender, sexuality, and economic rights, possessed particular power in California because many activists drew on the longer-term experiences of a liberal politics receptive to earlier anti-Cold War struggles. A desire to use political involvement as a form of social networking had given California a strong Popular Front, and in some respects the power of new liberalism was an offspring of those earlier battles.

Diamond mining, rice farming, and a ‘Maggi cube’: a viable survivial strategy in rural Liberia?

Since the conclusion of its 14-year civil war in 2003, Liberia has struggled economically. Jobs are in short supply and operational infrastructural services, such as electricity and running water, are virtually nonexistent. The situation has proved especially challenging for the scores of people who fled the country in the 1990s to escape the violence and who have since returned to re-enter their lives. With few economic prospects on hand, many have elected to enter the artisanal diamond mining sector, which has earned notoriety for perpetuating the country's civil war. This article critically reflects on the fate of these Liberians, many of whom, because of a lack of government support, finances, manpower and technological resources, have forged deals with hired labourers to work artisanal diamond fields. Specifically, in exchange for meals containing locally grown rice and a Maggi (soup) cube, hired hands mine diamondiferous territories, splitting the revenues accrued from the sales of recovered stones amongst themselves and the individual ‘claimholder’ who hired them. Although this cycle—referred to here as ‘diamond mining, rice farming and a Maggi cube’—helps to buffer against poverty, few of the parties involved will ever progress beyond a subsistence level

Dissolution or disillusion: the unravelling of civil partnerships

This chapter considers the following questions: • Why did more men register a civil partnership initially than women? • Why has the gender ratio equalised? • Why have women dissolved their civil partnership at a consistently higher rate than men? • What has happened to the argument that same-sex unions will be different from, or better than (with its assumption of longer-lasting), heterosexual unions?

Interfacial interactions in concretes with silica fume and SBR latex

This paper deals with the effect of silica fume and styrene-butadiene latex (SBR) on the microstructure of the interfacial transition zone (ITZ) between Portland cement paste and aggregates (basalt). Scanning electron microscope (SEM) equipped with energy dispersive X-ray analysis system (EDX) was used to determine the ITZ thickness. In the plain concrete a marked ITZ around the aggregate particles (55 mu m) was observed, while in concretes with silica fume or latex SBR the ITZ was less pronounced (35-40 mu m). However, better results were observed in concretes with silica fume and latex SBR (20-25 mu m). (C) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Organizações não-governamentais na (Re)construção da sociedade civil no Brasil: (dinâmicas, sujeitos e vinculações entre público e privado nos anos 90)

One of the main features of Brazilian civil society in the nineties is the widespread presence of nongovernamental organizations, religious and secular associations, and the emergence of private foundations as a social mediator midway state and market institutions. This research is a bibliographical discussion of the Social Sciences literature about these organizations, pertinent with their quantitative and qualitative profiles and scope of actions, identities and future role in the construction of the active citizenship in Brasil.

The experience of semi-formal infrastructure finance in developing countries: proposals for Brazil and Latin America

This paper has the purpose of analyzing the role of civil society in funding and providing nfrastructure projects in developing countries. Considering that local associations around the world have been directly engaged on some infrastructure projects – some scholars define it as “semi-formal finance” –, the intention is to demonstrate that the experiences on such arrangements in developing countries have been responsible for fostering infrastructure investments in the poorer regions where the government is more absent. Based upon legal, economic and social aspects, this paper aims to contribute to a broader debate for the development of infrastructure in emerging countries. The conclusion is that, under a more social approach, the legal and economic mechanisms in developing countries are able to consider such arrangements in the benefit of their development.

Defesa e controle: uma análise da presença civil no ministério da defesa brasileiro

This thesis aims to examine the contribution of civilian presence towards the establishment of civil control over the military under civilian perspective in the Ministry of Defense. Using a qualitative approach this research aimed to present a new point of view of civil participation in the administration of the Defense folder, usually addressed through military perception. Interviews were conducted with 11 civil servants working in the Ministry in order to capture their perception on civilian participation on their field of operation. Highlighting the strong military culture present in the field, the interaction between civilian and military and the qualification and training of civilians working in the field. Evidence collected focused on the control suggest that, in contrast to the official discourse and despite the advances made in recent years, civilian control of the process still needs to progress and reach key elements in order to be deemed to be established.