Urban conservation areas and sustainable development: exploring the relationship

With increasing emphasis being placed on concentrating development in urban areas and improving the quality of life in British cities and towns, the importance of accommodating necessary development without compromising the valued heritage and architectural quality of urban areas is now becoming central to sustainable urban development. Urban conservation policy and practice has the potential to contribute to this and other aspects of sustainability. This paper explores this contribution and develops an analytical framework which draws out the key linkages between conservation area policy and sustainable development. The framework is then used to research the potential and actual contribution of urban conservation policy and practice in England, using a selective survey and two case studies (i.e. Winchester and Basingstoke). The main conclusions from the research are that: Conservation area policy can make a significant contribution to the principles of sustainable development; Most local planning authorities in England have not fully woken-up to this potential and have not developed policies or practices to address it; and Urban conservation policy needs to develop a more proactive approach in which local planning authorities actively guide and encourage new development with regard to use, design, layout, methods of construction, materials and energy efficiency.

Evolutionary patterns in neotropical Helieae (Gentianaceae): evidence from morphology, chloroplast and nuclear DNA sequences

Parsimony-based phylogenetic analyses of the neotropical tribe Helieae (Gentianaceae) are presented, including 22 of the 23 genera and 60 species. This study is based on data from morphology, palynology, and seed micromorphology (127 structural characters), and DNA sequences (matK, trnL intron, ITS). Phylogenetic reconstructions based on ITS and morphology provided the greatest resolution, morphological data further helping to tentatively place several taxa for which DNA was not available (Celiantha, Lagenanthus, Rogersonanthus, Roraimaea, Senaea, Sipapoantha, Zonanthus). Celiantha, Prepusa and Senaea together appear as the sister clade to the rest of Helieae. The remainder of Helieae is largely divided into two large subclades, the Macrocarpaea subclade and the Symbolanthus subclade. The first subclade includes Macrocarpaea, sister to Chorisepalum, Tochia, and Zonanthus. Irlbachia and Neblinantha are placed as sisters to the Symbolanthus subclade, which includes Aripuana, Calolisianthus, Chelonanthus, Helia, Lagenanthus, Lehmanniella, Purdieanthus, Rogersonanthus, Roraimaea, Sipapoantha, and symbolanthus. Generic-level polyphyly is detected in Chelonanthus and Irlbachia. Evolution of morphological characters is discussed, and new pollen and seed characters are evaluated for the first time in a combined morphological-molecular phylogenetic analysis.

Avaliação da interação universidade - empresas - governo no desenvolvimento de projetos inovadores no RN por micro e pequenas empresas

Knowledge and innovation were seen as major forces, both for survival, as the acquisition of competitive advantages in the Brazilian economy, as well as adding value to the product as a market differentiator. The Triple Helix model is directed toward the knowledge-based economy. Over the past six years, the Federal Government through the Financier of Studies and Projects ( FINEP ) invested in technological innovation projects, economic subsidies, about U.S. $ 1 billion supporting more than 800 projects with these resources. According to the MCTI , the Northeast, over the years 2000 to 2010 increased spending on Science and Technology (considering the activities of research and development more scientific and related activities) of the State Government in relation to its total revenue In 2000, 0.51% of total revenues were invested in Science & Technology, while in 2010 this figure increased to 1.31%. Among the nine Northeast states, Paraíba is highlighted. In 2000, 0.33% of its total revenues were directed to innovation, reaching 2.04% in 2010, the largest increase in the region while the RN invested 0.24% in 2000 and in 2010 reached the level of 1.42 %. According to IBGE, in the period 2000-2011, the micro and small enterprises surpassed the barrier of 6 million establishments. In 2000, there were 4.2 million establishments while in 2011 were 6.3 million active establishments. Therefore, throughout the period, there was a creation of approximately 2.1 million new establishments. Between 2000 and 2011, micro and small businesses have created 7.0 million formal jobs, 8.6 million jobs in 2000 to 15.6 million in 2011. This scenario shows the importance of this study in relation to the investment of governments in RD & I in micro and small enterprises. This study aims to analyze the interaction Universities - Business - Government in the development of innovation in micro and small companies in Rio Grande do Norte participants of the edicts of Inova FAPERN. We chose to adopt as a research method case study concerning the procedure of the research, exploratory, descriptive, and on documents with engineers and researchers of innovation projects approved by PAPPE Subsidy (Inova -RN I, II and III). Data collection was done through the report made by FAPERN entitled: " Evaluation of companies financed and supported by the Grant Program for Technological Innovation for Micro and Small Enterprises RN - INOVA -RN " (2010) and a questionnaire with 40 closed questions and 1 opened to 30 affirmative composed based on a 5-point Likert scale. The analysis of data was qualitative and quantitative. The study provided to identify the importance and barriers arising from the relation between Government Enterprise (micro and small) and University as essential to the economic development of the region. It was also identified that, in the innovation projects, 70% of the goods or services originating from research were to market these, 50% resulted in a patent for the company and 80% publications of scientific articles

Modo de vida na várzea: políticas sociais e nova ruralidade: estudo em uma localidade da Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Mamirauá

Esta dissertação é um estudo sobre as ações em torno do desenvolvimento sustentável e de políticas não agrícolas para as pequenas populações rurais, a partir dos anos 80 e 90. Com a interiorização das políticas, o Estado se torna mais presente nas regiões interioranas redimensionando o mundo rural e suas dinâmicas locais. Neste sentido, um novo rural emerge com as ações políticas que chegam às populações mais distantes expondo o modo de vida a novas situações. Este estudo objetivou analisar as mudanças na organização social e econômica dos moradores da localidade rural de Vila Alencar da Reserva de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Mamirauá (RDSM), no estado do Amazonas, decorrentes da criação de uma reserva de desenvolvimento sustentável (RDS) e das ações institucionalizadas por políticas de Estado. A análise teórica foi fundamentada na noção de habitus e do campo socioambiental da Reserva Mamirauá. Realizaram-se também análises entre as famílias a partir do tempo de união conjugal, com a finalidade de identificar as mudanças ocorridas entre duas gerações familiares. Constatou-se neste estudo que a organização familiar em Vila Alencar se desenvolve levando em consideração as práticas locais e também participam das ações intervencionistas através das políticas sociais por meio do Programa Bolsa Família, das aposentadorias rurais e das atividades em torno do manejo sustentável dos recursos naturais, que estão em sua maioria associadas ao manejo de ecoturismo, a exemplo, da prestação de serviços como guia turístico, auxiliar de cozinha, copeira e carpintaria para a pousada de ecoturismo da RDSM. A combinação de atividades agrícolas, nãoagrícolas e a complementação de renda por benefícios sociais assumem papel importante na composição da renda familiar, o que traz novas perspectivas à reprodução social. O estudo mostrou que as políticas de desenvolvimento sustentável bem como as políticas de benefícios sociais tornam favorável à organização familiar das localidades rurais as características de feições modernizadoras e atrativas do conforto urbano, sobretudo pela expectativa da compra de uma casa na cidade e de melhores condições de qualificação aos filhos para prosperarem em alguma profissão. Aos jovens são delegadas outras responsabilidades que não se inserem exclusivamente no contexto produtivo do trabalho familiar.

Infant Mortality as a Potential Measure of Community Health in Urban Growth

This document is one of a series which contains the results of research carried out during a 1969 Summer Study of Urban Decentralization at the Oak Ridge National Laboratory, sponsored by the Department of Housing and Urban Development and the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission. The summary of the Summer Study is contained in "An Introduction to Urban Decentralization Research," ORNL-HUD-3.

Development and evaluation of a cervical cancer screening program for Chinese women

Despite of the proven efficacy of the Pap test, Asian populations still have low Pap screening compliance. The purpose of this dissertation was to investigate factors that influencing women's decision to obtain a Pap test, and to describe the development and evaluation of a cervical cancer educational program promoting the Pap screening behavior among women in Taiwan. ^ The first study examined factors associated with Pap screening compliance. Psychometric properties of measurement instruments were also assessed. The scale reliabilities were as the follows: Cronbach alpha 0.70 for knowledge scale, 0.88 for pros scale, 0.68 for cons scale, and 0.72 for perceived norms scale. Results from multiple logistic regression analysis, after adjusted for marital status, showed women who compliant to Pap screening guidelines had significantly higher knowledge, higher perceived benefits (pros), lower perceived barriers (cons), and higher perceived norms to receive a Pap test. ^ The second study described the development of a program called “Love yourself before you take care of your family”, designed to increase Pap screening behavior among women in Taiwan. The development of this program was guided by Intervention Mapping (IM), an innovative process of intervention design. The program used methods such as information transmission, modeling, persuasion, and facilitation. Strategies included direct mail campaigns, role model stories with women's testimonials, and phone intervention. ^ The third study examined the effectiveness of a randomized trial of the carefully-designed intervention (N = 424). Participants were female family members of inpatients admitted to one of the major teaching hospitals in Taiwan during August and September 1999. Women in the intervention group reported a higher rate of receiving a Pap test than women in the control group (50% versus 32%) after a three-month intervention (p = 0.002). Women in the intervention group showed increased knowledge (p = .016), perceived pros (p = 0.008), and susceptibility (p = .011) between baseline and follow-up. They also showed higher perceived pros of Pap tests than women in control group at follow-up (p = .031). This result suggested that program development based on theories and evidences could maximize the intervention impact for a specific target population. ^

Intereses exógenos y resistencia ciudadana en la transformación físicosocial de un asentamiento auto-producido de Dakar (2005-2011)

La presión sobre el acceso a la tierra en la península de Dakar, Senegal, ha generado un proceso de transformación físico-social del mayor asentamiento auto-producido de la periferia urbana de Dakar (Pikine Irregular Sur) en el periodo 2005-2011. Esta investigación se propone analizar en qué medida las acciones llevadas a cabo: i) satisfacen o no el sistema integral de necesidades de los afectados (Demanda); ii) favorecen la implicación de los afectados o, por el contrario, fortalecen las estructuras de poder dominantes (Oferta), y iii) promueven o no la autonomía económica, la sostenibilidad ambiental, la equidad social y la legitimidad de los actores que participan (Entorno). La investigación se ha llevado a cabo por el método de estudio de casos, mediante un proceso de recogida de información participativo, articulado de abajo hacia arriba, en el que han participado 196 personas; la información recogida se ha procesado mediante la utilización de dos herramientas de análisis de realidades complejas: flujo de programa y sistema funcional. Los resultados del estudio de los casos 1 y 2 muestran que las acciones se han llevado a cabo en beneficio de los intereses de los mercados y de los actores que toman las decisiones y gestionan los recursos, incrementando la dependencia económica, empobreciendo a los directamente afectados y fragmentando su tejido social, promoviendo un desarrollo urbano desequilibrado, disperso y segregado, y deslegitimando a las instituciones involucradas. En el estudio del caso 3, en cambio, se verifica que la acción se ha llevado a cabo en beneficio de los intereses de los directamente afectados, utilizando recursos endógenos, fortaleciendo su tejido social, promoviendo un desarrollo urbano concentrado e inclusivo, e incrementando la legitimidad de las instituciones involucradas. El análisis cruzado de los resultados muestra que la pobreza, la exclusión social y la precariedad habitacional, en el contexto específico de la periferia de Dakar, no son un problema de falta de recursos, sino de falta de ética por parte de quienes gestionan y financian los procesos de transformación físico-social, y de falta de voluntad por parte de las autoridades de implicar a los ciudadanos, y en particular a los directamente afectados, en los procesos de toma de decisiones de las acciones y los programas que les afectan. Finalmente se concluye que no se trata de luchar contra la pobreza, sino de luchar contra los sistemas injustos que generan la pobreza y la exclusión. ABSTRACT The pressure on the access to land in the area of Dakar, Senegal, has generated a physical/social transformation process in the largest self-produced settlement in the urban periphery of Dakar (South Irregular Pikine), in the period 2005-2011. This research aims to analyze to what extent the actions carried out: i) satisfy the integral needs of the affected population (Demand), ii) encourage the involvement of those affected or otherwise strengthen dominant power structures (Supply), and iii) promote or inhibit economic autonomy, environmental sustainability, social equity and legitimacy of the actors involved (Environment). The research was conducted by the case study method. 196 people participated in a bottom-up participatory process of information gathering. The information collected was processed using two custom tools aimed to analyse complex systems: the program flow and the functional system. The results of case studies 1 and 2 show that the actions were carried out in the best interest of the markets and the actors who made decisions and managed resources, increasing economic dependence, impoverishing those directly affected and fragmenting their social network by promoting an unbalanced, dispersed and segregated urban development, and de-legitimizing the institutions involved in the process. On the contrary, in the case study 3 it is verified that the action has been carried out on behalf of the interests of those directly affected, using endogenous resources, strengthening the social network, promoting a focused and inclusive urban development, and increasing legitimacy of the institutions involved. The comparative analysis of the results shows that poverty, social exclusion and precarious housing in South Irregular Pikine are not a problem of lack of resources but of unethical behaviour of those who manage and finance physical and social transformation processes, as well as unwillingness on the part of the authorities to involve citizens in the decision making processes for the actions and programs that affect them. Finally we conclude that the enemy to fight against is not poverty but unfair systems that generate poverty and exclusion. RÉSUMÉ La pression sur le foncier dans la presqu'île de Dakar, au S��négal, a généré un processus de transformation physico-sociale du plus grand établissement auto-produit de la périphérie urbaine de Dakar (Pikine Irrégulier Sud), durant la période 2005-2011. Cette recherche vise à analyser dans quelle mesure les actions menées: i) répondent ou non à l’ensemble des besoins intégrales des personnes concernés (Demande), ii) encouragent l'implication des concernées ou au contraire renforcent les structures de pouvoir dominant (Offre), et iii) favorisent ou non l'autonomie économique, la durabilité environnementale, l'équité sociale et la légitimité des acteurs concernés (Contexte). La recherche a été menée par la méthode des études de cas, par un processus de collecte d'information participative articulée du bas vers le haut dans lequel ont participé 196 personnes. Les informations recueillies ont été traitées à l'aide de deux outils d'analyse de réalités complexes: le système fonctionnel et le flux de programme. Les résultats de l'étude de cas 1 et 2 montrent que les actions ont été menées au profit des intérêts des marchés et des acteurs qui prennent les décisions et gèrent les ressources, augmentant la dépendance économique, appauvrissant ceux qui sont directement concernés et fragmentant leur tissu social, encourageant un développement urbain déséquilibré, dispersé et ségrégé, et délégitimant les institutions concernées. Dans l'étude de cas 3, cependant, il est vérifié que l'action a été menée au profit des intérêts de ceux qui sont directement concernés, en utilisant des ressources endogènes, en renforçant son tissu social, en encourageant un développement urbain concentré et inclusif, et en augmentant la légitimité des institutions concernées. L'analyse comparée des résultats montre que la pauvreté, l'exclusion sociale et le logement précaire, dans le contexte spécifique de la banlieue de Dakar, ne sont pas un problème de manque de ressources, mais de manque d'éthique de la part de ceux qui gèrent et financent les processus de transformation physico-sociale, et de manque de volonté de la part des autorités d'impliquer les citoyens, en particulier ceux qui sont directement concernés, dans le processus de prise de décision des actions et des programmes qui les impliquent. Finalement, on conclut qu'il ne s'agit pas de lutter contre la pauvreté, mais de lutter contre les systèmes injustes qui produisent la pauvreté et l'exclusion.

Re-Ocupación y/o Re-Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso y su conexión con el espacio público y el paisaje

Los nuevos comportamientos urbanos nos permiten observar cada vez con más frecuencia en nuestras calles y plazas realidades que siempre habíamos considerado domésticas. Al contrario también pasa, todos los días vivimos en nuestras casas situaciones que implican relacionarnos con personas que no son de nuestro núcleo familiar. El diseño doméstico de nuestras ciudades y el urbanismo del diseño de interiores parecen herramientas oportunas en el mundo que nos ha tocado vivir. Esto nos lleva a pensar que los espacios públicos y privados son términos simplificados, definidos en base a conceptos de propiedad para organizar la ciudad. En cambio, sus usos y vivencias, su gestión y sus comportamientos se han complejizado, distorsionando la terminología convencional hasta hacerla obsoleta. En este contexto, considerado también el marco socioeconómico actual, surgen las “acciones de abajo a arriba” como nuevo paradigma o modelo de renovación urbana, que entienden la involucración del ciudadano como parte activa en el proceso de construcción de la urbe desde la misma gestación del proyecto, frente a las acciones habituales que consideran al usuario como mero receptor de las propuestas. Un ciudadano que parece estar cada vez más radicalizado y una administración que parece asustarse ante el desconcierto que el acercamiento al ciudadano puede acarrear, han ocasionado por un lado, espacios “gueto” de carácter casi anárquico y, por el otro lado, lugares tan institucionalizados que derivan en espacios asociados a la administración y ajenos al ciudadano. Por ello, se considera imprescindible la colaboración entre ambos poderes. De acuerdo con el discurso que precede, dentro de un marco comparativo, se estudian 5 supuestos seleccionados de las ciudades Madrid y Zaragoza. Madrid porque es referencia nacional e internacional en el desarrollo urbano a través de procesos ‘abajo arriba’. Zaragoza porque es una ciudad ‘media’ que históricamente no se ha definido por estrategias urbanas claras, ya sean de carácter social o institucional. Sin embargo, en el momento actual se pueden identificar planteamientos relacionados con la recuperación de construcciones y espacios vacantes que pueden ser determinantes a la hora de alcanzar equilibrios con los intensos procesos institucionales acaecidos en las dos últimas décadas. De los procesos urbanos registrados en cada lugar, desarrollados en construcciones y espacios vacantes, he seleccionado: Construcciones Vacantes Madrid |Tabacalera de Lavapiés Zaragoza | Antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel y antiguo Convento de Mínimos Espacios Vacantes Madrid | Campo de Cebada [solar] Zaragoza | Patio ‘antiguo I.E.S. Luis Buñuel [espacio libre] y plaza Eduardo Ibarra [espacio libre] El proyecto de investigación ha partido de las hipótesis de partida que siguen: UNA… Las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ o renovación desde abajo no tienen cabida como elementos urbanos aislados sino conectados entre sí, posibilitando la producción de sinergias y la construcción de la ciudad; pudiendo ser consideradas acciones de desarrollo y enlace urbano, pues su objetivo es convertirse en motores del espacio público. Cuestión que es aplicable al resto de los procesos o acciones urbanas [‘horizontales’ o ‘institucionales’] DOS… La capacidad de adaptación manifestada por las ‘acciones de abajo arriba’ implica un marco ideológico de referencia asociado a la importancia de la construcción con mínimos recursos [Re-ocupación y/o Re- Construcción de estructuras urbanas en desuso] en los procesos urbanos descritos, como vía para comprender los concepto sostenibilidad y calidad figurativa de lo construido. Cuestión que es aplicable a la recuperación de aquellos aspectos de la arquitectura que la convierten en necesaria para la sociedad. Y tiene como objetivo: Identificar modelos de sostenibilidad urbana como una estrategia que va de lo individual a lo colectivo y que se transmite fundamentalmente con la acción, mezclando la innovación y la tecnología en múltiples ámbitos, utilizando los recursos naturales e intelectuales de una manera eficiente y entendiendo la inteligencia humana y sobre todo la inteligencia colectiva, como principio y justificación. Se han analizado los siguientes aspectos: sociales [participación ciudadana e implicación de la administración pública], urbanos [conexiones con otros colectivos o espacios urbanos / transformaciones urbanas a través de los procesos de gestión utilizados], constructivos [materiales utilizados en la re-construcción de construcciones y espacios vacantes / sistemas constructivos utilizados] y los relacionados con la sostenibilidad [sostenibilidad económica / sostenibilidad de mantenimiento / sostenibilidad funcional / inteligencia colectiva] El estudio de los aspectos considerados se ha desarrollado con las herramientas metodológicas siguientes: Entrevistas abiertas a expertos: se han obtenido respuestas de 25 personas expertas [5 por cada espacio o construcción vacante] relacionadas con las acciones urbanas sostenibles, la cultura y las relaciones sociales, y que también conocen los lugares y su entorno desde los puntos de vista urbano y construido. Son ‘tipos ideales’ asociados a uno de los cinco poderes que se manifiestan en la ciudad: el poder educativo [la universidad], el poder creativo [la cultura], el poder administrativo [la política], el poder empresarial [la empresa privada] y los usuarios [un usuario activo y representativo de cada lugar elegido que haya intervenido en la gestación del proceso]. Han sido personas que conocían el tejido social y urbano de la ciudad de Zaragoza y Madrid, ya que la herramienta ‘entrevista abierta a expertos’, recoge datos y opiniones planteadas en las construcciones y espacios vacantes ubicados en Zaragoza y Madrid. Entrevistas cerradas a usuarios: como la población de usuarios que se somete a la investigación es infinita o muy grande, resulta imposible o inconveniente realizar la obtención de los datos sobre todos aquellos elementos que la forman. Por lo tanto, he decidido estudiar sólo una parte de la población que denomino ‘tipos ideales’, obteniendo respuestas de 150 usuarios [30 personas por cada espacio o construcción vacante]. La selección de grupos de personas entrevistadas, debe permitir que los resultados sean representativos de la población total de usuarios. Además, la elección de ‘tipos ideales’ se ha identificado con los vecinos de los núcleos urbanos [o barrios] en los que se ubican las construcciones o espacios vacantes analizados. Observación estructurada: recoger información a través de la observación me ha permitido conocer las actuaciones y comportamientos de los ciudadanos en el medio urbano. Esto ha facilitado el estudio del medio a nivel práctico, valorando el uso que la sociedad da a las construcciones y a los espacios vacantes analizados. Es importante posicionar la estrategia en relación con el tema de investigación propuesto. Una estrategia que dibuje un panorama plural, desarrollado a través de herramientas sociales y constructivas que permitan que la arquitectura hable de cosas parecidas a lo que interesa a la ciudadanía. Para ello, propuse un catálogo de herramientas arquitectónicas que han permitido evaluar todas las propuestas. Un contexto de estrategias comunes que han descrito con los mismos códigos las distintas actuaciones analizadas. Estas herramientas tocan diferentes campos de interés. Desde las partes más tectónicas y constructivas, hasta las más ligadas con el desarrollo urbanístico y social. Acciones de participación colectiva: Experiencias o laboratorios urbanos participados por los alumnos del grado de arquitectura de la UNIZAR y los agentes sociales. Las acciones son una herramienta propositiva. Investigar y analizar proponiendo ha permitido que el análisis del contexto pueda llegar a capas de mucha más profundidad. No se ha trabajado estableciendo jerarquías de profesores y alumnos, sino que se ha intentado posibilitar la conexión de distintos agentes que trabajan coordinadamente durante el tiempo que han durado las acciones. Por un lado esto ha permite que cada integrante haya aportado al grupo lo que mejor sabe hacer y de la misma manera, que cada uno pueda aprender aquello de lo que tenga más ganas… y reflexionar sobre determinados aspectos objeto del análisis. Una vez interpretados los resultados, obtenidos a través de las herramientas metodológicas referenciadas, se ha concluido lo que sigue: Respecto de la Hipótesis de partida UNO LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que no se puede entender ningún proceso de gestión urbana fuera de la participación ciudadana. El ‘ESPACIO LIBRE’ de una ciudad necesita lugares de autogestión, espacios de cogestión, movimientos de ‘arriba abajo’ y también modelos que todavía no sabemos ni que existen. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han demostrado que no han presentado permeabilidad ni relación con las circulaciones de entorno. Tampoco han tenido en cuenta a otras muchas personas, ‘usuarios productores’, a las que les interesan los procesos de búsqueda y las fórmulas de conexión más interactivas. Respecto de la hipótesis de partida DOS LAS ACCIONES ‘ABAJO ARRIBA’ han revelado que el ‘derecho a la ciudad’, paradigma defendido por Lefebvre desde el cual se piensa el urbanismo ciudadano, en estos supuestos podría entenderse como el ‘derecho a la infraestructura’. El ESPACIO LIBRE es infraestructura y se quiere para infraestructurar los derechos de cada uno. Y aunque también es verdad que estas acciones son simples destellos, han hecho visible otro paradigma de gestión y propuesta urbana que puede ser predominante en un futuro próximo. LAS ACCIONES INSTITUCIONALES ‘ARRIBA ABAJO’ han revelado que las intervenciones estuvieron enfocadas únicamente a la resolución de los procesos constructivos y a la incorporación del programa como un dato ‘problema’ que era necesario resolver para evitar la afección al diseño. ABSTRACT The new urban ways of behaviour let us watch more and more frequently in our streets and squares, realities that we had always considered as domestic. This also happens the other way round. Every day we have to go through situations at home which imply relationships with people who don’t belong to our family circle. The domestic design of our cities and the urban planning of indoor design seem to be adequate tools in the world we have to live in. This leads us to think that public and private spaces are simplified terms, defined according to concepts of property in order to organise the city. On the other hand, its uses and the experiences of people, its management and ways of behaviour is now more complex, changing the conventional terminology that has become outdated. In this context, ‘bottom-up’ actions arise as a new paradigm or model of urban renewal. These actions consider the active role of social participation in the process of building up the city from the very beginning, in comparison with the former way of acting that considered the user as mere receptor of the proposals. A citizen who seems to become more and more radical, and an administration that seems to be afraid of the unknown, have created both almost anarchic ghetto spaces and, on the other hand, spaces which have been so institutionalised that derive into areas associated to the administration but alienated from the citizen. For this reason, cowork of both forces is considered as crucial. In accordance with the above mentioned ideas and within a comparative framework, five situations chosen from the cities of Madrid and Zaragoza are studied. Madrid because is a national and international reference in urban development that uses “bottom-up” processes. Zaragoza because is a “medium-size” city that, historically, has not been defined by clear social or institutional urban strategies. Nevertheless, at the present time we can identify approaches on the recovery of constructions and empty areas that may be determining for reaching a balance with the intense institutional processes that have taken place in the two last decades. From the urban processes registered in every place and developed in vacant areas and constructions, I have chosen: Vacant constructions Madrid | Lavapiés Tobacco Factory Zaragoza | Old Secondary School Luis Buñuel and old Convent of the Minimos Vacant areas Madrid | Campo de Cebada [non-built site]. Zaragoza | Old courtyard of the secondary school and Eduardo Ibarra square [free space] The research project has been issued from the following starting hypotheses: ONE… “Bottom-up actions” or renewal from below have no place as isolated urban elements but as connected parts that can produce synergies and the construction of the city, and that can also be considered as actions producing urban development and links. This can also be applied to the rest of urban processes or actions [‘horizontal’ or ‘institutional’]. TWO… The capacity of adaptation shown by “bottom-up actions” implies an ideological framework of reference which is related to the importance of construction with minimal resources (re-occupation and/or reconstruction of urban structures in disuse) in the above mentioned urban processes, as a way for understanding the concepts of sustainability and the representational quality of what has been constructed. This can also be applied to the recovery of those architectural aspects that make architecture necessary for society. And its objective is: Identify models of urban sustainability as a strategy going from the individual to the collective, which are mainly transferred by action and that mix innovation and technology in many fields. Models that use natural and intellectual resources in an efficient way, and understand human intelligence and, above all, collective intelligence, as principle and justification. The following aspects have been analysed: social [civic participation and involvement of the public Administration], urban [connections with other collectives or urban spaces / urban transformation by the processes of administration used], constructive [materials used for the re-construction of empty spaces / construction systems used] and those focusing on sustainability [economic sustainability /maintenance sustainability /functional sustainability / collective intelligence]. For researching into the above mentioned aspects, the following methodological tools have been developed: Open interviews with experts: answers from 25 experts have been obtained [five for every vacant space or empty construction] on sustainable urban actions, culture and social relations, who also know the places and their environment from an urban and constructive point of view. These are “ideal types” linked to one of the five powers acting in the city: the educational power [University], the creative power [culture], the administration power [politics], the corporate power [private companies] and the users [an active and representative user for every place selected during the establishment of the process]. They were people who knew the social and urban fabric of Zaragoza and Madrid, since the “open interview for experts” tool collects data and points of view set out in vacant constructions and spaces of Zaragoza and Madrid. Close interviews with users: as the number of users targeted for the research is very big or infinite, it is impossible or inconvenient to get data from all its constituent parts. Therefore, I have decided to research into the part of the population that I call “ideal types”, obtaining answers from 150 users [30 people for every empty space or construction]. The selection of the groups of people interviewed must produce results which are representative of the total population of users. Furthermore, the election of “ideal types” has been identified with the inhabitants of urban areas [or city districts] in which the vacant spaces or constructions analysed are located. A structured observation: I have known the actions and ways of behaving of the citizens in the urban environment by means of collecting information after observation. Therefore, the practical research into the target environment has been easier by valuing the use that society gives to the empty constructions and spaces analysed. It is important to position the strategy with respect to the research subject proposed. It involves a strategy able to get an overview of a plural landscape, developed by social and constructive tools, allowing architecture to talk about topics which are interesting for city dwellers. Therefore, I proposed a set of architectural tools to evaluate all the proposals. A context of common strategies describing the different actions analysed by using the same codes. These tools focus on different fields of interests, from the most tectonic and constructive parts, to the most related to urban and social development. Actions on collective participation: experiences or urban laboratories shared by the students of architecture of the University of Zaragoza and social agents. The actions are a proactive tool. Researching and analysing by means of proposing, has allowed me to analyse the context and much deeper layers. This work has not been done by establishing ranks of professors and student, but trying to get an interaction between the different agents who work in close coordination during the implementation of the actions. This has allowed every agent to contribute the group what they do the best, and also every individual has had the possibility to learn what s/he prefers…, thinking about the different aspects targeted by the analysis. Once the different methodological tools have been interpreted, this is the conclusion: With regard to the initial hypothesis ONE “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have proven that no process of urban management can be understood outside civic participation. The “FREE SPACE” of a city needs self-managed places, co-managed spaces, “up-bottom” movements, and also models whose existence is still ignored. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have proven that they have not presented neither permeability nor relation with local ideas. They have also disregarded many other people, the “usersproducers”, who are interested in the most interactive means of searching and connecting processes. With regard to the initial hypothesis TWO Under these premises, “BOTTOM-UP” ACTIONS have shown that the “right to the city”, a paradigm defended by Lefebvre and from which citizen-focused urbanism is conceived, could be considered as a “right to the infrastructures”. A FREE SPACE is an infrastructure and must be used to “infrastructure” the rights of every citizen. And, even though it is true that these actions are mere flashes, they have made visible another paradigm of management and urban proposal that can be prevailing in a near future. “UP-BOTTOM” INSTITUTIONAL ACTIONS have revealed that the interventions have only focused on resolving construction processes and the incorporation of the program as a “problem” data that was necessary to resolve in order to avoid its influence on the design.

U.S. overseas loans, and grants, and assistance from international organizations.

Latest issue consulted: 1945/90.

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An Assessment of FHA's Section 203 (b) program : a comparison with private mortgage insurance /

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