906 resultados para US and Europe
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From Europe and Poland's point of view, one of the most important recent developments in international politics was the re-orientation of Russia's foreign policy. This paper aims to answer three important questions relating to this issue: 1. When and why did the "pro-Western turn" in the Russian Federation's policy take place? 2. Has it been profitable for Russia? 3. What goals will the Russian policy pursue in the future? An analysis of the last two years in Russia's foreign policy leads to the several conclusions, including those: a. Clearly, the Russian leaders realise that in the longer term, Russia - in its desire for more influence in the world - will not be able to survive as an independent pole of power in international politics and it will have to join forces with the West (most likely, the European Union). b. September 11 was not the cause of Russia's pro-Western turn, but rather a catalyst that put the process which started when Vladimir Putin took his office in sharp focus. 7. In the nearest future, this new direction of Russia's foreign policy seems not be challenged by internal opposition in Russia. c. The "pro-Western turn" proved to be beneficial for Russia, although: d. Russia has not become a strategic ally of the US e. There has been no breakthrough in the relations between Russia and the European Union, and Moscow has not gained any real influence on NATO's important decisions. f. Russia has not become a major decision-maker of international politics. g. Russia's closing to the West is in Poland's and Europe's interest.
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Within recent years, increasing international competition has caused an increase in job transitions worldwide. Many countries find it difficult to manage these transitions in a way that ensures a match between labour and demand. One of the countries that seem to manage the transitions in a successful way is Denmark, where unemployment has been dropping dramatically over the last decade without a drop in job quality. This success is ascribed the so-called Danish flexicurity model, where an easy access to hiring and firing employees (flexibility) is combined with extensive active and passive labour market policies (security). The Danish results have gained interest not only among other European countries, where unemployment rates remain high, but also in the US, where job loss is often related to lower job quality. It has, however, been subject to much debate both in Europe and in the US, whether or not countries with distinctively different political-economic settings can learn from one another. Some have argued that cultural differences impose barriers to successful policy transfer, whereas others see it as a perfectly rational calculus to introduce 'best practices' from elsewhere. This paper presents a third strategy. Recent literature on policy transfer suggests that successful cross national policy transfer is possible, even across the Atlantic, but that one must be cautious in choosing the form, content and level of the learning process. By analysing and comparing the labour market policies and their settings in Denmark and the US in detail, this paper addresses the question, what and how the US can learn from the Danish model. Where the US and Denmark share a high degree of flexibility, they differ significantly on the level of security. This also means that the Danish budget for active and passive labour market policies is significantly higher than the American, and it seems unlikely that political support for the introduction of Danish levels of security in the US can be established. However, the paper concludes that there is a learning potential between the US and Demnark in the different local level efficiency of the money already spent. A major reason for the Danish success has been the introduction of tailor made initiatives to the single displaced worker and a stronger coordination between local level actors. Both of which are issues, where a lack of efficiency in the implementation of American active labour market policies has been reported.
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On June 17, 2011, the Center for Transatlantic Relations – together with the Center for European Policy Analysis, the Polish Institute of International Affairs in Warsaw, and the Embassies of Hungary and Poland – hosted authors writing on the theme “A Strong Europe in a Globalized World,” and who offered in-depth, substantive reflections about how the United States and Europe can work together more closely in meeting global challenges. Drawing on the agendas of the outgoing and incoming EU Presidencies of the Council of the European Union – Hungary and Poland respectively – authors focused on the importance of a strong US-EU partnership in the face of mounting global challenges, from the current financial and economic crisis through the insecurities of energy markets and the promise of the Arab Spring. Authors explored in depth four key areas of shared interests: A Global Perspective (Transatlantic Partnership in a Globalized World); Achievements and Deliverables of Eastern Partnership; Euro-Atlantic Perspectives for the Balkans; and Common Challenges of Energy Security. Senior Hungarian and Polish government officials, subject matter experts, private sector actors, and think tank scholars participated.
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Trade negotiations involving international public procurement rules are on the rise, stimulating a growing interest in having a clear picture of the economic stakes involved, including the current level of international openness. A recent paper published by the European Centre for International Political Economy (Messerlin, 2016) made an attempt to provide a range of estimates for the EU and the US and found relatively low rates of import penetration. This analytical approach, however, looked only at the ‘tip of the procurement iceberg’, as the data used covered primarily only one modality of international procurement (direct cross-border), which is not the main avenue for international government procurement. Other modalities, such as procurement from foreign subsidiaries established in Europe, account for much more. Such an approach therefore ignores the main modalities through which foreign firms win EU contracts. Once these other main procurement modalities are taken into account, EU openness in procurement is much higher. Comparable data across all modalities do not yet exist for the US, but we do have clear evidence that the US has introduced the largest number of protectionist procurement measures since 2008 affecting all modalities for international procurement. Against this background, this Policy Brief makes four basic points: i. Public procurement is a key area of trade negotiations, and TTIP is no exception to this rule. ii. The existing levels of openness in procurement markets need to be assessed across all three main procurement modalities and not based only on direct cross-border procurement, which is not the main procurement avenue. According to this comprehensive metric, the EU market already has a high foreign participation rate, including by US companies. iii. Unfortunately, similar data do not exist for the US market. But there is growing evidence of discriminatory measures introduced in recent years, which impede the ability of EU firms to compete on a level-playing field in US procurement markets. iv. The importance of procurement as a key negotiating area requires better data and a greater analytical engagement.
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Also published as part of the author's The prospects of democracy, and other essays, London, 1929.
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Nationalism and globalisation are two central phenomena of the modern world, that have both shaped and been shaped by each other, yet few connections have been made systematically between the two. This book brings together leading international scholars to examine the effect of globalisation on nationalism, and how the persistence of the nation affects globalisation. With a range of case studies from Europe, the US and Asia, the authors focus on the interaction between globalisation, national identity, national sovereignty, state-formation and the economy. ◦ Part one provides theoretical reflections on the flexibility and plasticity of the terms nationalism and globalisation focusing on the ways in which nationalism has shaped and has been shaped by globalising forces. ◦ Part two examines the relationship between nationalism and globalisation in different historical eras and different regions, questioning established approaches. ◦ Part three focuses on contemporary issues including the economic crisis, labour migration and citizenship and the theme of global culture. The result is a highly topical account that considers the conceptual landscape of Nationalism and Globalisation. With an interdisciplinary approach, Nationalism and Globalisation will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, sociology, history, economics and international relations.
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Funding • The pooled data coordination team (PBoffetta, MH, YCAL) were supported by National Cancer Institute grant R03CA113157 and by National Institute of Dental and Craniofacial Research grant R03DE016611 • The Milan study (CLV) was supported by the Italian Association for Research on Cancer (Grant no. 10068). • The Aviano study (LDM) was supported by a grant from the Italian Association for Research on Cancer (AIRC), Italian League Against Cancer and Italian Ministry of Research • The Italy Multicenter study (DS) was supported by the Italian Association for Research on Cancer (AIRC), Italian League Against Cancer and Italian Ministry of Research. • The Study from Switzerland (FL) was supported by the Swiss League against Cancer and the Swiss Research against Cancer/Oncosuisse [KFS-700, OCS-1633]. • The central Europe study (PBoffetta, PBrenan, EF, JL, DM, PR, OS, NS-D) was supported by the World Cancer Research Fund and the European Commission INCOCOPERNICUS Program [Contract No. IC15- CT98-0332] • The New York multicentre study (JM) was supported by a grant from National Institute of Health [P01CA068384 K07CA104231]. • The study from the Fred Hutchison Cancer Research Center from Seattle (CC, SMS) was supported by a National Institute of Health grant [R01CA048996, R01DE012609]. • The Iowa study (ES) was supported by National Instituteof Health [NIDCR R01DE011979, NIDCR R01DE013110, FIRCA TW001500] and Veterans Affairs Merit Review Funds. • The North Carolina studies (AFO) were supported by National Institute of Health [R01CA061188], and in part by a grant from the National Institute of Environmental Health Sciences [P30ES010126]. • The Tampa study (PLazarus, JM) was supported by National Institute of Health grants [P01CA068384, K07CA104231, R01DE013158] • The Los Angeles study (Z-F Z, HM) was supported by grants from National Institute of Health [P50CA090388, R01DA011386, R03CA077954, T32CA009142, U01CA096134, R21ES011667] and the Alper Research Program for Environmental Genomics of the UCLA Jonsson Comprehensive Cancer Center. • The Houston study (EMS, GL) was supported by a grant from National Institute of Health [R01ES011740, R01CA100264]. • The Puerto Rico study (RBH, MPP) was supported by a grant from National Institutes of Health (NCI) US and NIDCR intramural programs. • The Latin America study (PBoffetta, PBrenan, MV, LF, MPC, AM, AWD, SK, VW-F) was supported by Fondo para la Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (FONCYT) Argentina, IMIM (Barcelona), Fundaco de Amparo a‘ Pesquisa no Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) [No 01/01768-2], and European Commission [IC18-CT97-0222] • The IARC multicentre study (SF, RH, XC) was supported by Fondo de Investigaciones Sanitarias (FIS) of the Spanish Government [FIS 97/ 0024, FIS 97/0662, BAE 01/5013], International Union Against Cancer (UICC), and Yamagiwa-Yoshida Memorial International Cancer Study Grant. • The Boston study (KKelsey, MMcC) was supported by a grant from National Institute of Health [R01CA078609, R01CA100679]. • The Rome study (SB, GC) was supported by AIRC (Italian Agency for Research on Cancer). • The US multicentre study (BW) was supported by The Intramural Program of the National Cancer Institute, National Institute of Health, United States. • The Sao Paolo study (V W-F) was supported by Fundacao de Ampara a Pesquisa no Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP No 10/51168-0) • The MSKCC study (SS, G-P Y) was supported by a grant from National Institute of Health [R01CA051845]. • The Seattle-Leo stud (FV) was supported by a grant from National Institute of Health [R01CA030022] • The western Europe Study (PBoffetta, IH, WA, PLagiou, DS, LS, FM, CH, KKjaerheim, DC, TMc, PT, AA, AZ) was supported by European Community (5th Frame work Programme) grant no QLK1-CT-2001- 00182. • The Germany Heidelberg study (HR) was supported by the grant No. 01GB9702/3 from the German Ministry of Education and Research.
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To reveal the theories and practices that linked education to the development within the cities of Boston and Buenos Aires, and in turn to the development of US and Argentina nationalism, “Cosmopolitan Imperialism” centers on two education reformers, Horace Mann (1776-1859) and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (1811-1888). Mann and Sarmiento formed part of a supra-national community where liberal intellectual elites created a republic of letters, or perhaps better said, a republic of schools. As different versions of education branched out from a common Atlantic origin during the nineteenth century, Mann and Sarmiento searched for those ideas that better fit their national projects, a local project that started in the cities and moved to the interior parts of the country. In Boston and Buenos Aires, modern nationalism intertwined with imperial projects. This dissertation thus analyzes nationalism and reform in the nineteenth-century as an imperial project led by cosmopolitan intellectual elites. While we might expect to find Mann and Sarmiento’s ideas on education to be centered on their national experiences, looking to Europe for inspiration, this dissertation shows that it was quite the opposite. Educational ideas developed within an interconnected network and traveled within the North-South axis connecting Boston with Buenos Aires. This framework moves the focus from the interchange of ideas between America and Europe and places it within the American continent. At the same time, it allows us to consider Latin American and the US as both creators and recipients of educational ideas. There is a traditional way of talking about nationalism and reform in the nineteenth-century, especially in terms of education and educational policies. It is common to imagine that in the US, and even more certainly in Latin America, educated elites looked to the so-called West for inspiration. The argument is that they ended up adapting foreign models to their local and internal contexts. This dissertation challenges that idea and shows that different versions of education developed from a shared Atlantic milieu in which reformers in certain cities saw themselves as part of the same cosmopolitan empires.
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International migration sets in motion a range of significant transnational processes that connect countries and people. How migration interacts with development and how policies might promote and enhance such interactions have, since the turn of the millennium, gained attention on the international agenda. The recognition that transnational practices connect migrants and their families across sending and receiving societies forms part of this debate. The ways in which policy debate employs and understands transnational family ties nevertheless remain underexplored. This article sets out to discern the understandings of the family in two (often intermingled) debates concerned with transnational interactions: The largely state and policydriven discourse on the potential benefits of migration on economic development, and the largely academic transnational family literature focusing on issues of care and the micro-politics of gender and generation. Emphasizing the relation between diverse migration-development dynamics and specific family positions, we ask whether an analytical point of departure in respective transnational motherhood, fatherhood or childhood is linked to emphasizing certain outcomes. We conclude by sketching important strands of inclusions and exclusions of family matters in policy discourse and suggest ways to better integrate a transnational family perspective in global migration-development policy.
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The topic of the thesis is media discourse about current state if income inequality in the US, and political ideologies as influences behind the discourse. The data consists of four opinion articles, two from CNN and two from Fox News. The purpose of the study was to examine how media represents income inequality as an issue, and if the attitudes conveyed are concerned or indifferent. Previous studies have indicated that the level of income is often seen as a personal responsibility, and such perspective can be linked with Republican ideology. In contrast, the Democrats typically express more concern about the consequences of inequality. CNN has been previously considered to have a Democratic bias, and Fox News has been considered to have Republican bias, which is one reason why these two news channels were chosen as the sources of the data. The study is a critical discourse analysis, and the methods applied were sociocognitive approach, which analyzes the social and cognitive factors affecting the discourse, and appraisal framework, which was applied to scrutinize the expressed attitudes more closely by identifyind specific linguistic features. The appraisal framework includes studying such features as affect, judgment and appreciation, which offer a more detailed analysis on the attitudes present in the articles. The sociocognitive approach, additionally, offers a way of analyzing a more broad context affecting the articles. The findings were then compared, to see if there are differences between the articles, or between the news sites with alleged bias. The findings showed that CNN, with alleged Democratic bias, had a more symphatetic attitude towards income inequality, whereas Fox News, with more Republican views, showed clearly less concern towards the issue. Moreover, the Fox News articles had such dubious claims that the underlying ideology behind the articles could be even supporting of income inequality, as it allows the rich to pursue all the wealth they can without having to give anything away. The results, thus, suggest that the political ideologies may a significant effect on media discourse, which, in turn, may have a significant effect on the attitudes of the public towards great issues that could require prompt measures.
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This Leadership Academy Workshop presentation focused on 'Trust and Leadership in the Downturn', with particular reference to the public sector and to education. The presentation discussed a range of definitions of trust, including the view of Mayer, Davis and Schoorman (1995) that trust can be described as 'the willingness of a person to be vulnerable to the actions of another, based on the expectation that the other will perform a particular action important to the trustor, irrespective of the ability to monitor or control that action'. The presentation then focused on the reasons why this relational psychological state is important,particularly in an economic recession when people were facing job cuts and economic uncertainty in a wider political and social environment characterised by cynicism and a downturn in trust. If trust is defined in part as a belief in the honesty, competence and benevolence of others, it tends to act like 'social glue', cushioning difficult situations and enabling actions to take place easily that otherwise would not be permissible. A worrying state of affairs has recently been developing across the world, however, in the economic downturn, as reported in the Edelman Trust Barometer for 2009, in which there was a marked diminuition of trust in corporations, businesses and government, as a result of the credit crunch. While the US and parts of Europe was showing recovery from a generalised loss of trust by mid-year 2009, the UK had not. It seems that social attitudes in Britain may be hardening - it seems that from being a nation of sceptics we may be becoming a nation of cynics: for example, 69% of the population surveyed by Edelman trust the government less than six months ago. In this situation, there is a need to promote positive measures to build trust, including the establishment of more transparent and honest business practices and practices to ensure that employees are treated well. Following the presentation, a workshop was held to discuss the nature of a possible loss of trust in the downturn in the UK and its implications for leadership practices and development.
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Carbon Monoxide (CO) and Ozone (O3) are considered to be one of the most important atmospheric pollutants in the troposphere with both having significant effects on human health. Both are included in the U.S. E.P.A list of criteria pollutants. CO is primarily emitted in the source region whereas O3 can be formed near the source, during transport of the pollution plumes containing O3 precursors or in a receptor region as the plumes subside. The long chemical lifetimes of both CO and O3 enable them to be transported over long distances. This transport is important on continental scales as well, commonly referred to as inter-continental transport and affects the concentrations of both CO and O3 in downwind receptor regions, thereby having significant implications for their air quality standards. Over the period 2001-2011, there have been decreases in the anthropogenic emissions of CO and NOx in North America and Europe whereas the emissions over Asia have increased. How these emission trends have affected concentrations at remote sites located downwind of these continents is an important question. The PICO-NARE observatory located on the Pico Mountain in Azores, Portugal is frequently impacted by North American pollution outflow (both anthropogenic and biomass burning) and is a unique site to investigate long range transport from North America. This study uses in-situ observations of CO and O3 for the period 2001-2011 at PICO-NARE coupled with output from the full chemistry (with normal and fixed anthropogenic emissions) and tagged CO simulations in GEOS-Chem, a global 3-D chemical transport model of atmospheric composition driven by meteorological input from the Goddard Earth Observing System (GEOS) of the NASA Global Modeling and Assimilation Office, to determine and interpret the trends in CO and O3 concentrations over the past decade. These trends would be useful in ascertaining the impacts emission reductions in the United States have had over Pico and in general over the North Atlantic. A regression model with sinusoidal functions and a linear trend term was fit to the in-situ observations and the GEOS-Chem output for CO and O3 at Pico respectively. The regression model yielded decreasing trends for CO and O3 with the observations (-0.314 ppbv/year & -0.208 ppbv/year respectively) and the full chemistry simulation with normal emissions (-0.343 ppbv/year & -0.526 ppbv/year respectively). Based on analysis of the results from the full chemistry simulation with fixed anthropogenic emissions and the tagged CO simulation it was concluded that the decreasing trends in CO were a consequence of the anthropogenic emission changes in regions such as USA and Asia. The emission reductions in USA are countered by Asian increases but the former have a greater impact resulting in decreasing trends for CO at PICO-NARE. For O3 however, it is the increase in water vapor content (which increases O3 destruction) along the pathways of transport from North America to PICO-NARE as well as around the site that has resulted in decreasing trends over this period. This decrease is offset by increase in O3 concentrations due to anthropogenic influence which could be due to increasing Asian emissions of O3 precursors as these emissions have decreased over the US. However, the anthropogenic influence does not change the final direction of the trend. It can thus be concluded that CO and O3 concentrations at PICO-NARE have decreased over 2001-2011.
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The sea lamprey Petromyzon marinus (Linnaeus) is both an invasive non-native species in the Laurentian Great Lakes of North America and an imperiled species in much of its native range in North America and Europe. To compare and contrast how understanding of population ecology is useful for control programs in the Great Lakes and restoration programs in Europe, we review current understanding of the population ecology of the sea lamprey in its native and introduced range. Some attributes of sea lamprey population ecology are particularly useful for both control programs in the Great Lakes and restoration programs in the native range. First, traps within fish ladders are beneficial for removing sea lampreys in Great Lakes streams and passing sea lampreys in the native range. Second, attractants and repellants are suitable for luring sea lampreys into traps for control in the Great Lakes and guiding sea lamprey passage for conservation in the native range. Third, assessment methods used for targeting sea lamprey control in the Great Lakes are useful for targeting habitat protection in the native range. Last, assessment methods used to quantify numbers of all life stages of sea lampreys would be appropriate for measuring success of control in the Great Lakes and success of conservation in the native range.
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Avian pathogenic Escherichia coli (APEC) strains belong to a category that is associated with colibacillosis, a serious illness in the poultry industry worldwide. Additionally, some APEC groups have recently been described as potential zoonotic agents. In this work, we compared APEC strains with extraintestinal pathogenic E. coli (ExPEC) strains isolated from clinical cases of humans with extra-intestinal diseases such as urinary tract infections (UTI) and bacteremia. PCR results showed that genes usually found in the ColV plasmid (tsh, iucA, iss, and hlyF) were associated with APEC strains while fyuA, irp-2, fepC sitDchrom, fimH, crl, csgA, afa, iha, sat, hlyA, hra, cnf1, kpsMTII, clpVSakai and malX were associated with human ExPEC. Both categories shared nine serogroups (O2, O6, O7, O8, O11, O19, O25, O73 and O153) and seven sequence types (ST10, ST88, ST93, ST117, ST131, ST155, ST359, ST648 and ST1011). Interestingly, ST95, which is associated with the zoonotic potential of APEC and is spread in avian E. coli of North America and Europe, was not detected among 76 APEC strains. When the strains were clustered based on the presence of virulence genes, most ExPEC strains (71.7%) were contained in one cluster while most APEC strains (63.2%) segregated to another. In general, the strains showed distinct genetic and fingerprint patterns, but avian and human strains of ST359, or ST23 clonal complex (CC), presented more than 70% of similarity by PFGE. The results demonstrate that some zoonotic-related STs (ST117, ST131, ST10CC, ST23CC) are present in Brazil. Also, the presence of moderate fingerprint similarities between ST359 E. coli of avian and human origin indicates that strains of this ST are candidates for having zoonotic potential.
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Chronic pain has been often associated with myofascial pain syndrome (MPS), which is determined by myofascial trigger points (MTrP). New features have been tested for MTrP diagnosis. The aim of this study was to evaluate two-dimensional ultrasonography (2D US) and ultrasound elastography (UE) images and elastograms of upper trapezius MTrP during electroacupuncture (EA) and acupuncture (AC) treatment. 24 women participated, aged between 20 and 40 years (M ± SD = 27.33 ± 5.05) with a body mass index ranging from 18.03 to 27.59 kg/m2 (22.59 ± 3.11), a regular menstrual cycle, at least one active MTrP at both right (RTPz) and left trapezius (LTPz) and local or referred pain for up to six months. Subjects were randomized into EA and AC treatment groups and the control sham AC (SHAM) group. Intensity of pain was assessed by visual analogue scale; MTrP mean area and strain ratio (SR) by 2D US and UE. A significant decrease of intensity in general, RTPz, and LTPz pain was observed in the EA group (p = 0.027; p < 0.001; p = 0.005, respectively) and in general pain in the AC group (p < 0.001). Decreased MTrP area in RTPz and LTPz were observed in AC (p < 0.001) and EA groups (RTPz, p = 0.003; LTPz, p = 0.005). Post-treatment SR in RTPz and LTPz was lower than pre-treatment in both treatment groups. 2D US and UE effectively characterized MTrP and surrounding tissue, pointing to the possibility of objective confirmation of subjective EA and AC treatment effects.