997 resultados para República Popular da China
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This dissertation aims at integrating two scholarships: state-society relation studies and Chinese foreign policy analysis. I created Two-level Perception Gap Model to analyze different intellectual groups' relations with party-state by confirming Chinese intellectuals play a role in CFP making in general, China's Japan policy in particular. This model is an alternative approach, instead of conventional wisdom patron-client approach, to explain and analyze the pluralized intellectual-state relations in China. This model first analyzed the role of two intellectual groups, namely think tank scholars and popular nationalist, in China's Japan policy making, and then based on these analyses it explains the interactional patterns between these two intellectual groups and party-state. I used three case studies, which represented different types of issue, Chinese attitude toward the U.S.-Japan alliance and the Japanese defense policy, the controversy over the Yasukuni Shrine Visit, and the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands, to examine this model. First, I examined think tank scholar groups and the extent they influenced "core interest issue and sensitive issue (Issue 1)," Chinese attitude toward the U.S.-Japan alliance and the Japanese defense policy, and their international patterns with party-state. Chapter 3 compares the responses of Chinese officials to the changes in the defense policy of Japan to the analyses from the think tank scholars. As the model assumes, results show that think tank scholars' analyses are consistent with China's policy position; nevertheless, it is difficult to confirm their analyses have influence on Chinese attitude toward the U.S.-Japan alliance and the Japanese defense policy. Based on the analysis of journal articles, most articles do not provide policy suggestions or simply provide suggestions that do not deviate from the policy. As Gu's theory of pluralist institutionalism and my hypothesis points out, most think tank scholars are establishment intellectuals so they tend to be self-disciplined. Second, this model provide a new concept "patriotic dilemma" for analyzing the challenge and constraints brought by popular nationalist discourses and public mobilization to Chinese foreign policy decision makers. Chapter 4 investigated the cases study of the controversy over the Yasukuni Shrine Visit, defined as "major/minor interest issue/ sensitive issue (Issue 3)," and the discourses from the popular nationalist, mainly focusing on anti-Japanese activists. The chapter also observes their influence on nationalist public opinions and analyzes how the nationalist public opinions constrain the policy choices among decision makers. Results strongly supported the hypothesis of patriotic dilemma that, although the popular nationalist group and public opinions constrained the policy choices of Chinese decision makers in the short term, they were unable to change the fundamental policy direction. Third, chapter 5 also focuses on anti-Japanese activists and examines the model with the case of the territorial dispute over the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands. The result supported that hypothesis that China's policy change was not because of the influence from popular nationalist's discourses or public opinions but because of the change of priority of this issue, from major/minor interest issue to core interest issue. These two chapters also indicate that the patron-client model is unable to describe the popular nationalist. An alternative approach, such as the concept "patriotic dilemma" is needed to describe the relations between the popular nationalist and the government.
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Este artículo pretende aclarar la postura de la CNT y la FAI ante las elecciones generales de 1936. Se analiza cómo tradujeron los propagandistas de ambas organizaciones las ponencias electorales aprobadas en sus Plenos durante la campaña electoral. La comparación con la propaganda anarcosindicalista de noviembre de 1933 y el análisis de las concepciones dispares que la CNT y las izquierdas coaligadas en el Frente Popular mantenían sobre la amnistía y el peligro fascista, cuestionan que en 1936 se produjera una convergencia de intereses entre ambas y, por tanto, un relajamiento en las posiciones apolíticas y antielectorales de aquélla.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"Parts of the book have been published as separate articles in the American Museum journal, Harper's magazine, and Asia."--Pref.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Chinese firms undertake large scale contracted projects in a number of countries under the auspices of economic cooperation. While there are suggestions that these activities are an extension of China's soft power aimed at facilitating Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) in those countries, often for access to natural resources, there is no systematic analysis of this in the literature. In this paper, we examine China's economic cooperation related investment (ECI) over time. Our results suggest that the pattern of investment is indeed explained well by factors that are used in the stylised literature to explain directional patterns of outward FDI. They also demonstrate that the (positive) relationship between Chinese ECI and the recipient countries' natural resource richness is not economically meaningful. Finally, while there is some support for the popular wisdom that China is willing to do business with countries with weak political rights, the evidence suggests that, ceteris paribus, its ECI is more likely to flow to countries with low corruption levels and, by extension, better institutions.
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A popular explanation for China's rapid economic growth in recent years has been the dramatic increase in the number of private domestic and foreign-owned firms and a decline in the state-owned sector. However, recent evidence suggest that China's state-owned enterprise (SOEs) are in fact stronger than ever. In this paper we examine over 78,000 manufacturing firms between 2002 and 2006 to investigate the relationship between ownership structure and the degree of firm-level exposure to export markets and firm-level productivity. Using a conditional stochastic dominance approach we reveal that although our results largely adhere to prior expectations, the performance of state-owned enterprises differs markedly between those that export and those that supply the domestic market only. It appears that China's internationally focused SOEs have become formidable global competitors.
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The purpose of this study is threefold: (1) to identify the underlying benefits sought by international visitors to Macau, China, which has emerged as a popular gambling destination in Asia; (2) to segment tourists visiting Macau by employing a cluster analysis based on the benefits sought; and (3) to examine any salient differences between the segment groups with regard to their behavioral characteristics, socio-economic characteristics, and demographic profiles. A convenience sample was used to collect data in the Macau International Airport, in the Macau Ferry Terminal, and at the border gate with Mainland China. A total 1,513 useful surveys were retained for data analysis. Cluster analysis discloses four distinct clusters: "convention and business seekers," "family and vacation seekers," "gambling and shopping seekers," and "multi-purpose seekers." Based on the results of our findings, several managerial implications are discussed. © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC.
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A popular explanation for China's rapid economic growth in recent years has been the dramatic increase in the number of private domestic- and foreign-owned firms and a decline in the state-owned sector. However, recent evidence suggests that China's state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are in fact stronger than ever. In this paper, we examine over 78,000 manufacturing firms between 2002 and 2006 to investigate the relationship between ownership structure and the degree of firm-level exposure to export markets and firm-level productivity. Using a conditional stochastic dominance approach, we reveal that although our results largely adhere to prior expectations, the performance of SOEs differs markedly between those that export and those that supply the domestic market only. It appears that China's internationally focused SOEs have become formidable global competitors. © 2013 John Wiley & Sons Ltd.
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En general, España es un país que no tiene una tradición sólida en la sinología. La traducción de la literatura china en España todavía no llega a un nivel satisfactorio y muchas obras originales todavía siguen sumidas en el desconocimiento. En comparación con los flujos de traducción de las obras occidentales, sobre todo las obras literarias de Gran Bretaña, Francia y Estados Unidos, la traducción de aquellas todavía ocupa una cuota reducida. En la recepción de la narrativa china en España, la traducción indirecta ha desempeñado un papel de suma importancia, lo que se debe en gran medida a la dependencia del círculo editorial español de las culturas europeas de poder. Esta situación desequilibrada pone de manifiesto las relaciones asimétricas entre lenguas y culturas.
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A presente dissertação é relativa aos assistentes sociais que exerceram funções de deputados em Portugal Continental, na Assembleia Nacional e na Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Procedeu-se à sua caracterização e à análise dos seus principais discursos parlamentares. A pertinência da investigação é justificada pela inexistência de trabalhos acerca da temática escolhida e pela reduzida produção académica no que respeita à vasta dimensão política do Serviço Social em Portugal. A investigação alicerçou-se numa pesquisa bibliográfica sobre os temas em foco, e documental, na análise das fichas biográficas dos deputados identificados e das transcrições textuais das sessões da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa, onde constam os discursos destes deputados. Estas fontes primárias estão acessíveis no sítio oficial da Assembleia da República (www.parlamento.pt). Pretende-se com este estudo abordar o lugar atribuído à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa nos respetivos regimes de ditadura e democracia e identificar e caracterizar académica, profissional e politicamente os assistentes sociais que exerceram estas funções. Objetiva-se ainda a análise das principais intervenções destes deputados no contexto da Assembleia Nacional e da Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Apurou-se que o número de deputadas à Assembleia Nacional e à Assembleia da República Portuguesa não variou significativamente nos regimes políticos abordados. Foram identificadas cinco deputadas à Assembleia Nacional, da V à XI legislatura (de 1949 a 1974 – 25 anos), sendo que a primeira deputada identificada exerceu funções ao longo da V e VI legislaturas da Assembleia Nacional. Após a queda do regime ditatorial e depois de 21 anos em democracia, assistentes sociais voltaram a exercer funções de deputados. Entre 1995 e 2011 exerceram funções seis deputados à Assembleia da República Portuguesa. Um deles desenvolveu atividades ao longo da X e XI legislaturas. Os resultados da investigação mostram que a maioria destes deputados são mulheres, havendo apenas um homem. Relativamente à formação académica dos deputados constatou-se que antes de 1974 o estabelecimento que formou mais assistentes sociais deputadas foi o Instituto de Serviço Social de Lisboa (3), seguido do Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas Ultramarinas (1) e do Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, em Luanda (1). Os deputados à Assembleia da República formaram-se no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Coimbra (2); no Instituto Superior Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social do Porto (1); no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social de Lisboa (1) e no Instituto Superior de Serviço Social Pio XII, Luanda (1). As deputadas que exerceram funções durante o Estado Novo pertenciam à União Nacional e Acção Nacional Popular, sendo que uma delas pertencia à Ala Liberal da ANP. Quanto aos deputados que exerceram funções no período democrático percebe-se que todos eram vinculados a partidos do bloco central e da direita: uma deputada do PSD, uma do CDS e quatro deputados do PS. No que respeita às intervenções parlamentares dos deputados identificados, observou-se que as deputadas à Assembleia Nacional apresentaram e fundamentaram propostas de medidas de política social apoiando-se na sua experiência profissional, principalmente em debates em que o tema foi a família ou a pobreza. Os deputados à Assembleia da República direcionaram os seus discursos para o apoio e/ou complemento das iniciativas propostas pelo governo, pois quatro destes deputados exerceram funções enquanto o partido a que pertenciam estava na liderança do governo. Face á vastidão da temática abordada, a presente dissertação constitui-se como um primeiro contributo para a produção de bibliografia no âmbito da dimensão política do Serviço Social, reconhecendo-se a necessidade de aprofundar mais o tema. / This thesis is on social workers who acted as deputies in Portugal, on the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Characterization and analysis of its key parliamentary speeches was the chosen procedure. The relevance of the research is justified by the lack of previous work on the chosen theme and the reduced academic outputs with respect to the vast political dimension of social work in Portugal. Research has its foundations in a literature research on the topics in focus, and also documentary, by the analysis of the biographical records of Members discussed and the verbatim transcripts of the sessions of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, which contains the speeches of such Members. These primary sources include legislative sessions and are available on the Assembly of the Republic (www.parlamento.pt) official website. The study aims to address the place assigned to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic, regarding the respective regimes of dictatorship and democracy and to identify and characterize academically, professionally and politically, the social workers who have exercised these functions. Furthermore on the objective is the analysis of the main interventions in the context of such Members of the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. It was found that the number of deputies to the National Assembly and the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic did not significantly vary in both political regimes. Five deputies to the National Assembly were identified on the legislatures V to XI (1949-1974 - 25 years), with the first identified lady holding positions along the V and VI legislatures of the National Assembly. After the fall of the dictatorship and after 21 years of democracy, social workers returned to act as deputies. Between 1995 and 2011 held office six members of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. One developed activities along the X and XI legislatures of the Assembly of the Portuguese Republic. Research results show that the majority of these are women, and only one man. Regarding the academic training of the deputies, it was found that before 1974 the establishment that formed most of the social workers was, the Institute of Social Service of Lisbon (3), followed by the School of Social Science and Policy Overseas (1) and the Higher Institute of Social Service Pius XII in Luanda (1). Members of Parliament formed in the Institute of Social Service of Coimbra (2), the Higher Institute Bissaya Barreto, Coimbra (1), the Institute of Social Service of Porto (1), the Higher Institute of Social service of Lisbon (1) and the Institute of Social service Pius XII, Luanda(1). Deputies who held office during the New state belonged to the National Union and National People's Action parties, one of which belonged to the Liberal Wing of the ANP. As for the deputies who held office in the democratic period one realizes that all parties were bound to the central block and right wing: A Member of the PSD, one of CDS and four members of the PS. Regarding the parliamentary speeches of identified Members, it was noted that the National Assembly deputies presented and substantiated proposals for social policy measures relying on their professional experience, primarily on the debates in which the theme was family or poverty. Members of Parliament have directed their speeches to support and / or complement the initiatives proposed by the government, since four of these deputies exercise their functions while the party they belonged was in governmental leadership. Given the vastness of the topic addressed in this thesis, it constitutes itself as a first contribution to the production of literature within the political dimension of social work, recognizing the need to go deeper into the subject.
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Fondo Margaritainés Restrepo
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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INTRODUÇÃO: A tuberculose na República da Guiné-Bissau não apresenta bons indicadores de saúde, assim como na maioria dos países em vias de desenvolvimento. OBJETIVO: Estudar na República da Guiné-Bissau e nas suas Províncias, a situação epidemiológica da doença no período de 2000 a 2005. MÉTODO: Realizou-se levantamento de dados secundários junto ao Programa Nacional de Luta Contra Lepra e Tuberculose, no período de 2000 a 2005, e análise de relatórios anuais da Capital e das Províncias da Guiné-Bissau, para o cálculo de coeficientes e taxas dos indicadores. RESULTADOS: O número de casos de tuberculose manteve-se estável no período de 2000 (1.959 casos) a 2005 (1.888 casos). O percentual de casos pulmonares variou de 96,0 a 98,8%, dos quais 55% eram bacilíferos. Em 2005 o coeficiente de prevalência foi de 142,4/100.000, o de incidência 131,3/100.000 e o de mortalidade, 16,8/100.000 habitantes. A maior concentração de casos ocorreu na região da Capital. A taxa de cura variou entre 46,5% em 2000 e 69,6% em 2005, e a de abandono de tratamento de 29,8% em 2000 para 12,1% em 2005. CONCLUSÃO: Os indicadores do Plano Estratégico Nacional devem ser melhorados, sobretudo no que diz respeito à busca ativa de casos, à descentralização do atendimento aos doentes, à implantação da estratégia DOTS e à necessidade de um sistema de informação e notificação eficientes.