294 resultados para Protests


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Addressing the issue of “women’s rights” in Egypt may seem like an easy topic from a purely legal standpoint, but the most enlightening way to do so is to adopt a holistic approach by understanding the political, social, cultural and class effects of this issue. Since 1952, people in Egypt have looked at “women’s rights” as a purely state matter, one characterised mainly by legal reforms. Until 2011, women’s rights were manipulated via a top-down approach by making changes in some policies and laws. Since 2011, with the emergence of the question of social movements, tackling women’s rights has been transformed via the use of certain tools and different perspectives. This is clearly manifested in the vast mobilisation that took place in governorates outside Cairo, which featured the use of artistic tools such as graffiti, story-telling performances, the production of feminist songs, open-microphone sessions, etc., in addition to the extensive use of social media and online campaigning to mainstream feminist ideologies and highlight violations experienced by women. Before 2011, the public space in Egypt was limited to citizens, political groups and civil society for employing legal approaches such as litigations and policy changes by direct pressure on authorities. The 2011 revolution opened the public space to the use of new tools that are not limited to protests and sit-ins, but also new media windows and new political forces who carried the question of certain rights in their agendas as well as the accessibility of different governmental actors. This paper will highlight different topics around women’s rights and gender issues in Egypt after 2011. This paper will review different gender issues after 2011, including the targeting of women in public spaces, women’s representation in decision-making bodies, legal reform, economic and social rights, and sexual and reproductive rights. It will also investigate how the feminist movement has changed and evolved since 2011, and to what degree women's issues and feminism can be analysed in a multidisciplinary way.

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The post-Arab Spring period in Morocco has undergone different stages of changing state-society relations with regard to democracy, citizenship and human rights. The first stage, between February 2011 and the summer of 2013, was characterised by popular protests demanding democracy and freedom. People criticised public policies related to civil, political and social rights (employment, health, education, the status of women, and the issue of Amazigh). This outburst put the state in an awkward, defensive position. If we compare Morocco with the other Arab Spring countries, the Moroccan state’s reaction was moderate in its use of violence and repression, and it was positive, in that it resulted in the implicit, yet official acceptance of the demands for democracy, citizenship and battling corruption. In his speech on 9 March 2011, the king pledged to modify the Constitution and democratise the institutions.

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Asia watchers have been kept exceptionally busy by recent political developments in the region. An unprecedented landslide victory in India’s general elections, pro-democracy protests in Hong Kong, close elections in Indonesia, a coup in Thailand – the list goes on. As unrelated as these events appear, analysts may find a missing link among a social group that is currently exploding in numbers: Asia’s middle classes. Often discussed simply in terms of its economic potential, Asia’s middle-income population is also flexing its political muscle. A closer look at its influence throughout the region in recent months seems to confirm for the field of politics what economists have known for some time: The rise of the Asian middle classes constitutes one of the most fundamental transformations of our time. The consequences remain to be seen.

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A dissertação aborda o desemprego, no concelho de Portalegre, na faixa etária dos 35 aos 55 anos. O aumento do desemprego é uma realidade que tem gerado movimentos sociais, como os protestos e as greves. A proposta da dissertação foi explorar o fenómeno sob a perspectiva de Erikson e de Castel, compreendendo a trajetória profissional dos indivíduos em questão. Além disso, procurou-se perceber como as transformações no mundo do trabalho, influenciam o processo de desvinculação com a identidade profissional. A pesquisa, de caráter qualitativo, utilizou entrevistas semi-dirigidas e as histórias de vida, sendo colhidos sete depoimentos de desempregados de longa duração, provenientes deste flagelo. Da análise de conteúdo foram levantadas diferentes categorias para tratamento de dados, como a contextualização profissional, o posicionamento face à situação de desemprego e por ultimo a análise identitária. Os resultados mostram que a situação de desemprego pode efetivamente ditar traços de desfiliação na identidade dos desempregados, idênticas às verificadas na literatura utilizada. Os entrevistados recorrem frequentemente a formas de coping, usando a “focalização ativa”, centrando-se na resolução dos seus problemas, mantendo uma postura ativa, mesmo em situação de descrença, sendo a postura mais eficaz para a procura de emprego. Finalizamos esta investigação com algumas sugestões de pesquisa futuras, deixando também um projeto de intervenção psicológico, fazendo sugestões de técnicas de procura de emprego, de inserção social e de técnicas de trabalho de autoestima, de autoimagem e de autoconceito.

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El Ejido es una ciudad del sudeste español que ha pasado de ser una pequeña aldea dedicada a la agricultura de subsistencia, a principios de 1960, a tener en 2015 más de 85.000 habitantes. Este cambio se debe al desarrollo de una economía de invernaderos muy próspera que hoy está totalmente inserta en las dinámicas de la globalización. Tales dinámicas han ocasionado efectos contradictorios y han suscitado reacciones y/o formas de protesta diferentes en los dos principales actores sociales de El Ejido (los agricultores y los inmigrantes), entre los que se observan profundas asimetrías socioeconómicas y relaciones de explotación laboral. Como consecuencia, los inmigrantes y los agricultores viven en dos mundos sociales completamente diferentes y tienen percepciones y actitudes opuestas sobre la realidad, las cuales, a su vez, afectan a sus respectivas posibilidades y modos de reacción y/o de protesta

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Shipping list no.: 97-0008-P.

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Protests the delineation of his brother, Lord Castlereagh, in the "Historical Sketches" by Lord Brougham and Vaux.

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In this book researchers investigate what happened after violent protests all over the country had forced President Suharto to step down in 1998 and Indonesia successfully made the transition from an authoritarian state to a democracy. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

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Public Act 93:248 requires the Property Tax Appeal Board to file an annual report that contains the following information for each county: (1) the total number of cases for commercial and industrial property requesting a reduction in assessed value of $100,000 or more for each of the last 5 years; (2) the total number of cases for commercial and industrial property decided by the Property Tax Appeal Board for each of the last 5 years; and (3) the total change in assessed value based on the Property Tax Appeal Board decisions for commercial property and industrial property for each of the last 5 years.

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Designed as a reference tool for the taxpayer who may have only a basic understanding of the property tax assessment and appeal processes in the state of Illinois.

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Whenever rules have changes, a new issue will be published and will be put in the Administrative Code (per agency).

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Cover title.

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El Ejido es una ciudad del sudeste español que ha pasado de ser una pequeña aldea dedicada a la agricultura de subsistencia, a principios de 1960, a tener en 2015 más de 85.000 habitantes. Este cambio se debe al desarrollo de una economía de invernaderos muy próspera que hoy está totalmente inserta en las dinámicas de la globalización. Tales dinámicas han ocasionado efectos contradictorios y han suscitado reacciones y/o formas de protesta diferentes en los dos principales actores sociales de El Ejido (los agricultores y los inmigrantes), entre los que se observan profundas asimetrías socioeconómicas y relaciones de explotación laboral. Como consecuencia, los inmigrantes y los agricultores viven en dos mundos sociales completamente diferentes y tienen percepciones y actitudes opuestas sobre la realidad, las cuales, a su vez, afectan a sus respectivas posibilidades y modos de reacción y/o de protesta