907 resultados para Nazism and religion


Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

"Magic and religion": p. 48-79.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Item 507-B-9

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Translation of: Religione e arte figurata.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This roundtable session focus on religious and social change as well as democracy and political culture, startingfrom the role of youth in these processes. The role of religion in young people’s participation is a key theme inthe cross-disciplinary network “youth and religion” connected to the Impact program. Participation here includesboth citizens’ “vertical” capacities to make their voices heard and influence decision-makers in the political system(e.g. via elections or civic organizations and social movements) and their “horizontal” capacities to communicateand cooperate with other people (within society at large or certain associations/communities). The participants ofthe session will present influential theories and methodologies used to study participation among youth within theresearch disciplines they represent (i.e. sociology of religion; theology; ethnology; political science). This will befollowed by a joint discussion of how these theories and methodologies have approached religious involvement witha particular focus on youth’s participation in politics, civil society as well as social media and the internet. The aim ofthe session is to look for common themes and new issues that can guide contemporary studies of participation in thefield of youth and religion. The session is open to conference participants interested in the issues discussed.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This study deals with the question of how German members of the European Parliament (MEPs) represent the German model of religion–state relations at the European level. Based on a survey and interviews with German MEPs as well as a content-analysis of German MEPs’ speeches, motions and parliamentary questions during the seventh term of the European Parliament (EP), our study demonstrates that this model is represented in three dimensions. First, German MEPs reflect the close cooperation between the churches and the state in Germany, primarily on social issues, through largely church- and religion-friendly attitudes and relatively frequent contacts with religious interest-groups. Second, by referring to religious freedoms and minorities primarily outside the EU and by placing Islam in considerably more critical contexts than Christianity, German MEPs create a cultural demarcation line between Islam and Christianity through their parliamentary activities, which is similar to, though less politicised than, cultural boundaries often produced in public debates in Germany. Third, our study illustrates similar patterns of religious affiliation and subjective religiosity among German parliamentarians in both the EP and the national Parliament, which to some degree also reflect societal trends in Germany. Yet our data also suggest that European political elites are more religious than the average German population. If the presence of religion in terms of religious interest-groups and arguments is included, the EP appears to be more secularist than the German Parliament.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

This article explores how religion as a political force shapes and deflects the struggle for gender equality in contexts marked by different histories of nation building and challenges of ethnic diversity, different state–society relations (from the more authoritarian to the more democratic), and different relations between state power and religion (especially in the domain of marriage, family and personal laws). It shows how ‘private’ issues, related to the family, sexuality and reproduction, have become sites of intense public contestation between conservative religious actors wishing to regulate them based on some transcendent moral principle, and feminist and other human rights advocates basing their claims on pluralist and time- and context-specific solutions. Not only are claims of ‘divine truth’ justifying discriminatory practices against women hard to challenge, but the struggle for gender equality is further complicated by the manner in which it is closely tied up with, and inseparable from, struggles for social and economic justice, ethnic/racial recognition, and national self-determination vis-à-vis imperial/global domination.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Preface dated 1856.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Religion and Urbanism contributes to an expanded understanding of 'sustainable cities' in South Asia by demonstrating the multiple, and often conflicting ways in which religion enables or challenges socially equitable and ecologically sustainable urbanisation in the region. In particular, this collection focuses on two aspects that must inform the sustainable cities discourse in South Asia: the intersections of religion and urban heritage, and religion and various aspects of informality.

This book makes a much-needed contribution to the nexus between religion and urban planning for researchers, postgraduate students and policy makers in Sustainable Development, Development Studies, Urban Studies, Religious Studies, Asian Studies, Heritage Studies and Urban and Religious Geography.

Relevância:

100.00% 100.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Religion and Urbanism contributes to an expanded understanding of 'sustainable cities' in South Asia by demonstrating the multiple, and often conflicting ways in which religion enables or challenges socially equitable and ecologically sustainable urbanisation in the region. In particular, this collection focuses on two aspects that must inform the sustainable cities discourse in South Asia: the intersections of religion and urban heritage, and religion and various aspects of informality.

This book makes a much-needed contribution to the nexus between religion and urban planning for researchers, postgraduate students and policy makers in Sustainable Development, Development Studies, Urban Studies, Religious Studies, Asian Studies, Heritage Studies and Urban and Religious Geography.

Relevância:

90.00% 90.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Objectives: The objectives of this study were to specifically investigate the differences in culture, attitudes and social networks between Australian and Taiwanese men and women and identify the factors that predict midlife men and women’s quality of life in both countries. Methods: A stratified random sample strategy based on probability proportional sampling (PPS) was conducted to investigate 278 Australian and 398 Taiwanese midlife men and women’s quality of life. Multiple regression modelling and classification and regression trees (CARTs) were performed to examine the potential differences on culture, attitude, social networks, social demographic factors and religion/spirituality in midlife men and women’s quality of life in both Australia and Taiwan. Results: The results of this study suggest that culture involves multiple functions and interacts with attitudes, social networks and individual factors to influence a person’s quality of life. Significant relationships were found between the interaction between cultural circumstances and a person’s internal and external factors. The research found that good social support networks and a healthy optimistic disposition may significantly enhance midlife men and women’s quality of life. Conclusion: The study indicated that there is a significant relationship between culture, attitude, social networks and quality of life in midlife Australian and Taiwanese men and women. People who had higher levels of horizontal individualism and collectivism, positive attitudes and better social support had better psychological, social, physical and environmental health, while it emerged that vertical individualists with competitive characteristics would experience a lower quality of life. This study has highlighted areas where opportunities exist to further reflect upon contemporary social health policies for Australian and Taiwanese societies and also within the global perspective, in order to provide enhanced quality care for growing midlife populations.

Relevância:

90.00% 90.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

The purpose of this study was to explore the types and predictors of immigration distress among Vietnamese women in transnational marriages in Taiwan. A cross-sectional survey with face-toface interviews was conducted for data collection. A convenient sample of 203 Vietnamese women in transnational marriages in southern Taiwan was recruited. The Demographic Inventory measured the participants’ age, education, employment status, religion, length of residency and number of children, as well as their spouse’s age, education, employment status and religion. The Demand of Immigration Specific Distress scale measured the level of distress and had six subscales: loss, novelty, occupational adjustment, language accommodation, discrimination and alienation. Among the 203 participants, 6.4% had a high level of immigration distress; 91.1% had moderate distress; and 2.5% had minor distress. Higher mean scores were found for the loss, novelty and language accommodation subscales of the Demand of Immigration specific Distress scale. Participant’s (r = 0.321, p < 0.01) and spouse’s (r = 0.375, p < 0.01) unemployment, and more children (r = 0.129, p < 0.05) led to greater immigration distress. Length of residency in Taiwan (r = 0.576, p < 0.001) was an effective predictor of immigration distress. It indicated that the participants who had stayed fewer years in Taiwan had a higher level of immigrant distress. Health care professionals need to be aware that the female newcomers in transnational marriages are highly susceptible to immigration distress. The study suggests that healthcare professionals need to provide a comprehensive assessment of immigration distress to detect health problems early and administer culturally appropriate healthcare for immigrant women in transnational marriages.

Relevância:

90.00% 90.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

It has been argued that the origins of modern creative industries policies can be found in Australia. The Creative Nation national cultural policy statement released by the Labor government headed by the Prime Minister Paul Keating in 1994 sought an original synthesis of arts and media policies that was outwardly looking, identifying the opportunities presented by what were then new digital media technologies, and clearly stated the economic opportunities presented by promotion of what were referred to at the time as the cultural industries. Several commentators have identified the influence that Creative Nation had on the Blair Labour government when it came to power in the United Kingdom in 1997. Faced with the question of how to revitalise the once-mighty industrial cities of the U.K. after the Conservative government, the Department of Culture, Media and Sport drew upon policy documents such as Australia’s Creative Nation, as well as the experience of local governments in these cities, in looking to the cultural sectors to spearhead new jobs growth, as well as re-branding the cities as cultural or creative cities in a post-industrial economic landscape. This growing alignment of culture and economics, that has been a characteristic of creative industries policies as they have developed in Australia, Britain, East Asia and Europe, marks an interesting shift in the traditional focus of arts and cultural policy as compensatory to the economic domain. The first Chair of what would become the Arts Council of Great Britain (now the Arts Council of England) was the famous economist John Maynard Keynes. In the First Annual Report of the Arts Council for 1945-1946, prepared in the latter stages of the Second World War, Keynes proposed that “the day is not far off when the economic problem will take the back seat where it belongs, and the arena of the heart and the head will be occupied or reoccupied, by our real problems — the problems of life and of human relations, of creation and behaviour and religion”. 中文摘要 1994年工黨執政時期澳洲總理基挺(Paul Keating)發表創意的國家(The Creative Nation)的文化政策聲明堪稱是澳洲現代創意產業的起源,該聲明試圖將藝術與媒體政策結合在一起,其目的在面向海外,為新數位媒體技術尋找機會。聲明中明確指出要推動文化產業為經濟帶來機會。「文化政策也是經濟政策。文化創造財富與附加價值,對創新、行銷與設計有重要貢獻,是我們工業的標誌(badge)。我們創意的層次實際上決定了我們適應新經濟imperatives的能力。文化本身就是項重要出口,是其他產品出口的主要附件(essential accompaniment)。文化吸引觀光與學生,也是我們經濟成功之關鍵。」 創意產業的策略是構建藝術、媒體與資訊電信科技的網絡以利文化產業在國家創新政策策略中擁有一席之地。此一策略最早是由1990年代末英國布萊爾(Tony Blair)的新工黨政府所採行,其後歐洲聯盟、澳洲、紐西蘭、新加坡、台灣、南韓與中國。

Relevância:

90.00% 90.00%

Publicador:

Resumo:

Reflecting on the legal consequences of globalisation in the 21st century, Twining predicted that societies in the West would have to 'wrestle with the extent to which the state should recognise, make concessions to, or even enforce norms and values embedded in different religions, cultures or traditions'. This is borne out as the direction across the common law world moves towards entrenching legal pluralism. The concessions each nation has made to minorities with different religions, cultures and traditions have varied. The special character of Islam, as a comprehensive blueprint for life in which law and religion unite, has meant that the negotiations for a special place for Muslims within each common law jurisdiction has been at the forefront of new legal ordering possibilities. This is the crux of the pluralism debate. Cautiously, Australians have watched the, at times histrionic, discourse in Canada and Great Britain on official recognition for Islamic law.