994 resultados para Labor union


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In this paper we highlight the existence of a new line of research within the Ethnomathematics Program. In its origin, research in this area has sought to contribute to understanding regarding the diversity of mathematical thought through a careful look at work activities. In recent years, however, we have paid increasing attention to the affirmations of anthropologists that myths can be used to understand the most basic questions of human thought as well as specific questions regarding the society that produced them. Based on this idea, the myths of different peoples are perceived as informative with respect to their Ethnomathematics. Thus, together with work activities, myths constitute a source of support on which we draw to develop this line of research.

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The kinematic approach to cosmological tests provides direct evidence to the present accelerating stage of the Universe that does not depend on the validity of general relativity, as well as on the matter-energy content of the Universe. In this context, we consider here a linear two-parameter expansion for the decelerating parameter, q(z)=q(0)+q(1)z, where q(0) and q(1) are arbitrary constants to be constrained by the union supernovae data. By assuming a flat Universe we find that the best fit to the pair of free parameters is (q(0),q(1))=(-0.73,1.5) whereas the transition redshift is z(t)=0.49(-0.07)(+0.14)(1 sigma) +0.54-0.12(2 sigma). This kinematic result is in agreement with some independent analyses and more easily accommodates many dynamical flat models (like Lambda CDM).

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Air transport has become a vital component of the global economy. However, greenhouse-gas emissions from this sector have a significant impact on global climate, being responsible for over 3.5% of all anthropogenic radiative forcing. Also, the accrued visibility of aircraft emissions greatly affects the public image of the industry. In this context, incentive-based regulations, in the form of price or quantity controls, can be envisaged as alternatives to mitigate these emissions. The use of environmental charges in air transport, and the inclusion of the sector in the European Union Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS), are considered under a range of scenarios. The impacts of these measures on demand are estimated, and results suggest that they are likely to be minimal-mainly due to the high willingness to pay for air transport. In particular, in the EU ETS scenario currently favoured by the EU, demand reductions are less than 2%. This may not be true in the longer run, for short trips, or if future caps become more stringent. Furthermore, given current estimates of the social Cost Of CO2 as well as typical EU ETS prices, supply-side abatement would be too costly to be encouraged by these policies in the short term. The magnitude of aviation CO2 emissions in the EU is estimated, both in physical and monetary terms; the results are consistent with Eurocontrol estimates and, for the EU-25, the total social cost of these emissions represents only 0.03% of the region`s GDP. It is concluded that the use of multisector policies, such as the EU ETS, is unsuitable for curbing emissions from air transport, and that stringent emission charges or an isolated ETS would be better instruments. However, the inclusion of aviation in the EU ETS has advantages under target-oriented post-2012 scenarios, such as policy-costs dilution, certainty in reductions, and flexibility in abatement allocation. This solution is also attractive to airlines, as it would improve their public image but require virtually no reduction of their own emissions, as they would be fully capable of passing on policy costs to their customers.

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The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.

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Holden utility carrying members of the Federated Ship Painters and Dockers Union during the Labour Day march in 1965, Brisbane, Australia. Anti conscription banners can be seen in the background, and the facade of the Pearl Assurance Building.

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Young Labor Association float during the Labour Day procession in Brisbane, Australia 1965. Placards call for voting rights for Aborigines, more education facilities and award wages.

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Members of the Australian Labor Party during Mayday procession in Brisbane, Australia 1969.

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Members of the Union of Australian Women with banner during Hiroshima Day 1964, Brisbane, Australia. The Union of Australian Women is a national organisation that was formed in 1950. Its aim is to work for the status and wellbeing of women across the world. It has been involved in a wide variety of campaigns that concern women. The Union of Australian Women networks with other women's community and union groups on such issues.

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Meatworkers float during Mayday procession 1965 Brisbane Australia. The Australasian Meat Industry Employees' Union, originally called the Australasian Federated Butchers Employees' Union, was formed in 1905 as an organisation of skilled and unskilled workers in all sectors of the Australian meat processing industry. Faced with a volatile industrial relations environment, AMIEU members developed a reputation for militancy and the AMIEU became one of Australia's most significant unions. In Queensland the union has been involved in many bitter industrial disputes, including the Townsville meatworkers' strike of 1918-19 and the 1946 meat industry strike.

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BWIU with float End war in Vietnam during Mayday procession Brisbane, Australia, May 1965.

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Using survey data for Tongan and Samoan migrants in Sydney the effects of visa restrictions on labor market performance of migrants are assessed. Univariate analysis suggests a positive association between unemployment and the unrestricted entry of Samoan step-migrants from New Zealand. A probit model of the determinants of unemployment is estimated with controls for human capital and demographic variables. While human capital endowments are important, visa restrictions do not have a significant effect on either group's employability. Implications for policy are discussed highlighting the complementarities between host country immigration policies and foreign aid programs.

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Physiological and kinematic data were collected from elite under-19 rugby union players to provide a greater understanding of the physical demands of rugby union. Heart rate, blood lactate and time-motion analysis data were collected from 24 players (mean +/- s((x) over bar): body mass 88.7 +/- 9.9 kg, height 185 +/- 7 cm, age 18.4 +/- 0.5 years) during six competitive premiership fixtures. Six players were chosen at random from each of four groups: props and locks, back row forwards, inside backs, outside backs. Heart rate records were classified based on percent time spent in four zones (>95%, 85-95%, 75-84%, <75% HRmax). Blood lactate concentration was measured periodically throughout each match, with movements being classified as standing, walking, jogging, cruising, sprinting, utility, rucking/mauling and scrummaging. The heart rate data indicated that props and locks (58.4%) and back row forwards (56.2%) spent significantly more time in high exertion (85-95% HRmax) than inside backs (40.5%) and outside backs (33.9%) (P < 0.001). Inside backs (36.5%) and outside backs (38.5%) spent significantly more time in moderate exertion (75-84% HRmax) than props and locks (22.6%) and back row forwards (19.8%) (P < 0.05). Outside backs (20.1%) spent significantly more time in low exertion (< 75% HRmax) than props and locks (5.8%) and back row forwards (5.6%) (P < 0.05). Mean blood lactate concentration did not differ significantly between groups (range: 4.67 mmol.l(-1) for outside backs to 7.22 mmol.l(-1) for back row forwards; P < 0.05). The motion analysis data indicated that outside backs (5750 m) covered a significantly greater total distance than either props and locks or back row forwards (4400 and 4080 m, respectively; P < 0.05). Inside backs and outside backs covered significantly greater distances walking (1740 and 1780 m, respectively; P < 0.001), in utility movements (417 and 475 m, respectively; P < 0.001) and sprinting (208 and 340 m, respectively; P < 0.001) than either props and locks or back row forwards (walking: 1000 and 991 m; utility movements: 106 and 154 m; sprinting: 72 and 94 m, respectively). Outside backs covered a significantly greater distance sprinting than inside backs (208 and 340 m, respectively; P < 0.001). Forwards maintained a higher level of exertion than backs, due to more constant motion and a large involvement in static high-intensity activities. A mean blood lactate concentration of 4.8-7.2 mmol.l(-1) indicated a need for 'lactate tolerance' training to improve hydrogen ion buffering and facilitate removal following high-intensity efforts. Furthermore, the large distances (4.2-5.6 km) covered during, and intermittent nature of, match-play indicated a need for sound aerobic conditioning in all groups (particularly backs) to minimize fatigue and facilitate recovery between high-intensity efforts.

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In this article, the authors analyze the relationship between labor sociology and trade unionism in Brazil by focusing on its three key phases. Against the backdrop of successive political and economical scenarios, the authors go from the first generation of labor sociologists to the most recent period, trying to identify the transition points in this trajectory. This study develops the hypothesis that labor sociology in Brazil was first characterized by a search for affirmation and professionalization (1950-1960). Later, it developed a strong political-social engagement, and assumed a public character, by claiming particular social identities (1970-1980). Finally, it flowed toward policy sociology (1990-2000).

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Formation Of The Maritime Labor Force In Brazil: Culture And Daily Life, Tradition And Resistance (1808-1850). Since the 16(th) Century, Brazil has played a major role in the rise of a new economical and social order, in which ships represented a space of struggle and contradictions among rulers, captains and sailors. This article will study the proletarization process that transformed Indians, small farmers, free and slave black people in maritime labor force in Brazil during the first half of 19(th) century.