959 resultados para International migration
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Esta pesquisa aborda a configuração da migração internacional de mulheres de periferias de Belém e sua relação com a produção de identidades das mulheres migrantes, processos de sua des-re-territorialização e de suas famílias. O processo migratório é analisado desde o momento antes de migrar até as situações atuais, incluindo permanência no exterior ou retorno. As trajetórias migratórias passam, de um lado, pelo Suriname e Guiana Francesa na continente sul-americana e, do outro, por vários países europeus. As transformações nas identidades e nas relações com o território são discutidas a partir das observações e entrevistas com as mulheres migrantes e seus familiares a luz de teorias e categorias de estudos migratórios, culturais e de geografia.
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O período compreendido entre os anos de 1890 e 1920 marcou a história das migrações internacionais no estado do Pará. Em função de uma forte propaganda migratória na Europa, o Estado paraense foi palco de entrada para muitos imigrantes europeus, entre eles os espanhóis. Atraídos pela agricultura no estado, devido à criação dos núcleos coloniais, muitas famílias de espanhóis, saídos, muitas vezes, de uma situação de pobreza, atravessaram o Atlântico e reconstruíram suas vidas em vários núcleos coloniais do estado do Pará. Sendo assim, a pesquisa propõe investigar quais as contribuições socioeconômicas dos imigrantes espanhóis para o desenvolvimento do Nordeste paraense, e procura entender o processo de introdução desses colonos em território paraense e o seu cotidiano nas colônias, a partir de documentos e entrevistas para demonstrar essa vivência de espanhóis no estado do Pará. Com isso, pretende-se com esta pesquisa dar sua parcela de contribuição para o campo historiográfico dentro dos estudos sobre migração internacional na Amazônia, visto que, existe certa escassez de trabalhos em estudos migratórios na região, salvo alguns trabalhos reconhecidos de pesquisadores que se dedicam ao tema da migração no território paraense.
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A migração internacional tornou-se um tema de grande importância no cenário mundial tanto para os países de destino quanto para os países de origem. Na Amazônia ainda existe certa falta de interesse com a questão. No entanto, já existem alguns trabalhos específicos de cada país amazônico sobre o assunto. Porém as informações tratam estudos de caso sem levar em consideração a análise de toda a região. Isto se dá entre outros motivos pela falta de um banco de dados sobre migrações para a Amazônia. Entretanto os censos demográficos tornam-se importantes instrumentos de análise. Com base nos censos demográficos brasileiros de 2000 e 2010 que se busca questionar a dinâmica migratória recente para a Amazônia brasileira a fim de dar prosseguimento a uma série de discussões sobre as mudanças de origem, a distribuição espacial e o perfil desse novo migrante. Em um primeiro momento cria-se uma breve revisão teórica sobre a migração internacional, posteriormente discute-se a história da migração internacional na Amazônia brasileira e logo após analisam-se os dados dos dois últimos censos demográficos brasileiros sobre a migração internacional Num segundo momento analisa-se a distribuição espacial da migração de brasileiros retornados a Amazônia brasileira com intuito de fazer uma comparação entre os municípios que evidenciam essa dinâmica tanto para estrangeiros quanto para brasileiros. Essa espacialização retrata o processo histórico de ocupação e urbanização da Amazônia e também a porosidade da fronteira. Assim como o perfil migratório dá indícios de ser resultante do crescimento econômico da exploração de recursos naturais na Amazônia. Contudo, diante da complexidade do tema migração, é necessário integrar conhecimentos para a análise do processo migratório que ultrapassem os limites dos paradigmas clássicos.
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Apesar da importância que a migração internacional alcançou na mídia e na academia no mundo inteiro, existem somente uns poucos estudos esparsos sobre a migração internacional na Amazônia. Como se apresenta o processo de migração internacional na Amazônia e qual é a sua importância nos destinos da região? Este artigo busca se aproximar da resposta a essa pergunta. O texto sintetiza resultados de investigações recentes realizadas pelo Grupo de Pesquisa Meio Ambiente, População e Desenvolvimento da Amazônia (MAPAZ), do Núcleo de Altos Estudos Amazônicos (NAEA) da Universidade Federal do Pará. Primeiramente, destaca-se a dificuldade de se definir a Amazônia; posteriormente, são apresentadas algumas considerações sobre a migração internacional em nível da Grande Região, agregando os migrantes acumulados nas respectivas Amazônias nacionais, conforme os censos de população de cada país; e, finalmente, trata-se essa problemática no caso da Amazônia brasileira, destacando os países de nascimento e a distribuição espacial dos migrantes na Amazônia Legal. Na Amazônia, os padrões e as tendências discutidas aqui se tornarão mais dinâmicos e complexos em função do andamento de políticas de desenvolvimento na busca da integração regional e econômica.
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A chegada de imigrantes japoneses ao Peru, a bordo do navio Sakura Maru, em 1899, para trabalharem nas fazendas da costa peruana, coincide com os anos áureos da exploração da borracha na Amazônia, o que fez essa região atrativa aos migrantes que não permaneceram nessas fazendas. No mesmo ano da chegada do navio Sakura Maru, 91 desses imigrantes se deslocaram para o atual departamento de Madre de Dios ao sul da Amazônia peruana. Passado o ciclo da exploração da borracha, muitos imigrantes japoneses permaneceram na Amazônia e em Madre de Dios se estabeleceram ao redor de Puerto Maldonado, surgindo uma próspera comunidade japonesa que se mantêm até hoje. Na época da exploração da borracha alguns japoneses migraram para o atual estado do Acre (Brasil), chamados de Peru kudari (os descidos do Peru), mas poucos se fixaram, espalhando-se, após a queda da economia da borracha, por outros lugares do Brasil e outros países. Assim, esta tese pretende demonstrar que a migração de japoneses para o departamento de Madre de Dios, na Amazônia peruana, e o surgimento e consolidação de uma comunidade de japoneses em Puerto Maldonado (capital desse departamento), foram causados por três fatores principais: 1) Uma política contínua em prol da imigração japonesa para o Peru durante as primeiras décadas do século XX voltada para prover mão-de-obra nas fazendas de cana-de-açúcar e algodão da costa; 2) Envolvimento dos imigrantes japoneses em atividades econômicas demandadas durante a expansão da exploração da borracha na Amazônia peruana; e 3) Fortalecimento dessas atividades após a queda da economia da borracha para garantir o fornecimento de produtos necessários à população remanescente, inclusive, substituindo produtos não mais importados ou fornecidos por grandes empresas. Esses fatores não foram encontrados entre japoneses que avançaram até o Acre (Brasil), não conseguindo, portanto, a fixação de comunidades japonesas que permanecessem até a atualidade. As fontes utilizadas para a realização do estudo foram compostas de literatura sobre os movimentos migratórios internacionais, dados dos censos peruanos e brasileiros, jornais da época, documentos diplomáticos, e relatórios provinciais, entre outras. A tese é um estudo de demografia histórica utilizando dados quantitativos e qualitativos, na busca da compreensão do processo histórico do objeto pesquisado, com intuito de explicar os desdobramentos que ocorreram nas comunidades de imigrantes japoneses tanto em Madre de Dios (Peru) quanto no Acre (Brasil).
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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The thesis concerns, from an economic and institutional point of view, the migration process in connection with development issues, focusing on the Middle East and North Africa region. Adopting a south-south perspective of migration flows, which is focusing on migration from the Maghreb and Mashreq towards the GCC, the research focuses on the linkage between migration and local development (LED), considering the economic implication that temporary migration flows (trough physical and human capital accumulation) have for the labour exporting countries of the region. Since south-south migration flows are both temporary and skilled, the research points out that return migrants from the GCC can have a significant impact for the growth of recipient countries, as they transfer capital through remittances on regular basis and, once back, they can use human capital acquired abroad to promote economic initiatives. Starting from the descriptive analysis on international migration flows (from an historical to a systemic point of view), and focusing on the patterns of people movements in the Gulf Migration System and on the role remittances have in the region as a strategy for both household survival and local development, the research considers the economics of migrant remittances from a micro and macro perspective and the main direct and indirect effects that remittances have on the local communities. The review of the economic literature on international remittances and on local development shows how migration is an alternative strategy of financing local economic development (LED) especially for low-middle income countries (among them the Maghreb countries). The linkage between return migration, remittances, human capital formation and the promotion of local development in the Egyptian case is the focus of the empirical investigation.
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International migration has increased rapidly in the Czech Republic, with more than 150,000 legally registered foreign residents at the end of 1996. A large proportion of these are in Prague - 35% of the total in December 1996. The aim of this project was to enrich the fund of information concerning the "environment", reasons and "mechanisms" behind immigration to the Czech Republic. Mr. Drbohlav looked first at the empirical situation and on this basis set out to test certain well-known migration theories. He focused on four main areas: 1) a detailed description and explanation of the stock of foreign citizens legally settled in Czech territory, concentrating particularly on "economic" migrants; 2) a questionnaire survey targeting a total of 192 Ukrainian workers (98 in the fall 1995 and 94 in the fall 1996) working in Prague or its vicinity; 3) a second questionnaire survey of 40 "western" firms (20 in 1996 and 20 in 1997) operating out of Prague; 4) an opinion poll on how the Czech population reacts to foreign workers in the CR. Over 80% of economic immigrants at the end of 1996 were from European countries, 16% from Asia and under 2% from North America. The largest single nationalities were Ukrainians, Slovaks, Vietnamese and Poles. There has been a huge increase in the Ukrainian immigrant community over both space (by region) and time (a ten-fold increase since 1993), and at 40,000 persons this represents one third of all legal immigrants. Indications are that many more live and work there illegally. Young males with low educational/skills levels predominate, in contrast with the more heterogeneous immigration from the "West". The primary reason for this migration is the higher wages in the Czech Republic. In 1994 the relative figures of GDP adjusted for parity of purchasing power were US$ 8,095 for the Czech Republic versus US$ 3,330 for the Ukraine as a whole and US$ 1,600 for the Zakarpatye region from which 49% of the respondents in the survey came. On an individual level, the average Czech wage is about US$ 330 per month, while 50% of the Ukrainian respondents put their last monthly wage before leaving for the Czech Republic at under US$ 27. The very low level of unemployment in the latter country (fluctuating around 4%) was also mentioned as an important factor. Migration was seen as a way of diversifying the family's source of income and 49% of the respondents had made their plans together with partners or close relatives, while 45% regularly send remittances to Ukraine (94% do so through friends or relatives). Looking at Ukrainian migration from the point of view of the dual market theory, these migrants' type and conditions of work, work load and earnings were all significantly worse than in the primary sector, which employs well educated people and offers them good earnings, job security and benefits. 53% of respondents were working and/or staying in the Czech Republic illegally at the time of the research, 73% worked as unqualified, unskilled workers or auxiliary workers, 62% worked more than 12 hours a day, and 40% evaluated their working conditions as hard. 51% had no days off, earnings were low in relation to the number of hours worked. and 85% said that their earnings did not increase over time. Nearly half the workers were recruited in Ukraine and only 4% expressed a desire to stay in the Czech Republic. Network theories were also borne out to some extent as 33% of immigrants came together with friends from the same village, town or region in Ukraine. The number who have relatives working in the Czech Republic is rising, and many wish to invite relatives or children to visit them. The presence of organisations which organised cross-border migration, including some which resort to organising illegal documents, also gives some support for the institutional theory. Mr. Drbohlav found that all the migration theories considered offered some insights on the situation, but that none was sufficient to explain it all. He also points out parallels with many other regions of the world, including Central America, South and North America, Melanesia, Indonesia, East Africa, India, the Middle East and Russia. For the survey of foreign and international firms, those chosen were largely from countries represented by more than one company and were mainly active in market services such as financial and trade services, marketing and consulting. While 48% of the firms had more than 10,000 employees spread through many countries, more than two thirds had fewer than 50 employees in the Czech Republic. Czechs formed 80% plus of general staff in these firms although not more than 50% of senior management, and very few other "easterners" were employed. All companies absolutely denied employing people illegally. The average monthly wage of Czech staff was US$ 850, with that of top managers from the firm's "mother country" being US$ 6,350 and that of other western managers US$ 3,410. The foreign staff were generally highly mobile and were rarely accompanied by their families. Most saw their time in the Czech Republic as positive for their careers but very few had any intention of remaining there. Factors in the local situation which were evaluated positively included market opportunities, the economic and political environment, the quality of technical and managerial staff, and cheap labour and low production costs. In contrast, the level of appropriate business ethics and conduct, the attitude of local and regional authorities, environmental production conditions, the legal environment and financial markets and fiscal policy were rated very low. In the final section of his work Mr. Drbohlav looked at the opinions expressed by the local Czech population in a poll carried out at the beginning of 1997. This confirmed that international labour migration has become visible in this country, with 43% of respondents knowing at least one foreigner employed by a Czech firm in this country. Perception differ according to the region from which the workers come and those from "the West" are preferred to those coming from further east. 49% saw their attitude towards the former as friendly but only 20% felt thus towards the latter. Overall, attitudes towards migrant workers is neutral, although 38% said that such workers should not have the same rights as Czech citizens. Sympathy towards foreign workers tends to increase with education and the standard of living, and the relatively positive attitudes towards foreigners in the South Bohemia region contradicted the frequent belief that a lack of experience of international migration lowers positive perceptions of it.
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Immigrant incorporation (or integration) is a subfield of migration studies, and it constitutes a genuinely interdisciplinary undertaking of sociologists, political scientists, anthropologists, lawyers, and historians. In none of these disciplines, however, has it carved out an established niche for itself. In contrast to the United States, where the study of immigrant integration (or “assimilation” as US researchers prefer to say) is more firmly grounded in sociology than in political science, a characteristic of the European scene is a larger prominence of political scientists, macro comparativists, and legal-institutional scholars. This reflects the fact that immigrant integration in Europe is, to a much larger degree than in the United States, framed by public policies, and it often goes along with major transformations of state institutions (most importantly citizenship) and national identities. European states (even France) are ethnic nation-states, where sedentariness and not moving is the norm, and they stand for countries that are much less attuned to, and constituted by, international migration than the classic immigrant nations of North America and Oceania. Overall, European scholarship is marked, on one side, by single-country studies by national experts, which are often solicited by their respective governments interested in policy advice (but increasingly also supported by supranational research bodies). On the other side, most agenda-setting work has grown out of qualitative single-person studies (often dissertations) by macro sociologists and political comparativists not (or only incidentally) rooted in national university systems and disconnected from policy contexts. The field is in need of further conceptual development and of theoretically reflected, genuinely comparative work of the second type, which is mostly off the public funding radar.