285 resultados para Imprisonment


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In October 2003, US citizen Christina Thomas died while scuba diving on Queensland’s Great Barrier Reef. Following over five years of delays, her husband David Watson accepted a plea bargain to which he pleaded guilty to manslaughter on the basis of criminal negligence. Watson was initially sentenced to four and a half years imprisonment, suspended after 12 months, however this was later increased on appeal to suspension after 18 months. Using Watson as a framework for analysis, this article examines some of the limitations of an inefficient justice system, with a particular focus on the private nature of the plea bargaining process, and the potentially favourable representations and sentencing of men who kill a female intimate partner. The authors argue that the need to respond to court inefficiency and under-resourcing in the criminal courts creates pressures that can result in a desire for increased efficiency being prioritised above other justice concerns, and this allows for existing flaws within the operation of the criminal justice system to be exacerbated, and excused.

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In 1965, alongside the abolition of capital punishment, a mandatory life sentence for murder was implemented in England and Wales. The mandatory life sentence served as a signal to the public that the criminal justice system would still implement the most severe sanction of life imprisonment in cases of murder. Nearly 50 years later, this article examines whether the imposition of a mandatory life sentence for murder is still in the best interests of justice or whether English homicide law would be better served by a discretionary sentencing system. In doing so, the article considers debates surrounding the political and public need for a mandatory life sentence for murder by drawing upon interviews conducted with 29 members of the English criminal justice system. This research concludes that a discretionary sentencing framework is required to adequately respond to the many contexts within which the crime of murder is committed.

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The thesis revealed that spouses and parents of prisoners had an overall exhaustion on their family resources during the process of imprisonment. The families of recidivists appeared to have a greater potential of family crises at prisoners’ resettlement and this aftermath had a possibility of obstructing prisoners reintegration.

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There has been a considerable increase in the penalties for drug trafficking following the United Nations Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs 1961, over fifty years ago. In many parts of the world, the sanctions are as severe as those for homicide and rape. This penalty escalation is at odds with the counter movement to decriminalise illicit drugs. Drug supplying is the only serious crime where there are widespread moves to decriminalize the main outcome of the crime – the use illicit drugs. This paper explores this paradox. It also examines the rationales for the increasingly harsh penalties for drug suppliers. We conclude that while there is no conclusive argument in favour of the decriminalizing drugs, the weight of empirical data does not establish any concrete benefits stemming from severe penalties for serious drug offenses. In particular, there is no correlation between longer prison terms for drug offenders and a reduction in the availability and use of drugs. We propose that the penalties for drug offenses should be reduced considerably. There is no useful objective that can be achieved by a twenty-five-year term of imprisonment that cannot be achieved by a term of five to ten years. A more measured sentencing response to serious drug offense penalties would make sentencing fairer and enable billions of dollars currently directed to imprisonment to be spent on more pressing community needs.

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This article analyses the sentencing judgment issued on 11 January 2007 bythe Ethiopian Federal High Court in the case of Mengistu Hailemariam andhis co-accused who had been tried, among others, on charges of genocide andcrimes against humanity. This was the first African trial where an entire regimewas brought to justice before a national court for atrocities committed while inpower. Twenty-five of the 55 accused found guilty, including Mengistu, were triedin absentia (Mengistu remains in exile in Zimbabwe). The trial took 12 years,making it one of the longest ever trials for genocide. In December 2006, Mengistuwas convicted by majority vote of genocide and crimes against humanity pursuant toArticle 281of the1957 Ethiopian Penal Code, which includes ‘political groups’amongthe groups protected against genocide. A dissenting judge took the position that theaccused should have been convicted of aggravated homicide because the relevant part of the provision had been repealed. A few weeks later, the Court, by majority,sentenced the top tier of the accused to life imprisonment, taking into accountcertain extenuating circumstances. If not for these, the death penalty would havebeen imposed. In addition to ensuring some accountability, the judgmentis important for providing an official and detailed account of what happenedin those years in Ethiopia under Mengistu’s reign. Given that in Ethiopia there areno official gazettes where court judgments are published, it is unlikely that the publicwill be able to read the judgment and thus become aware of what had happened.In addition to analysing the reasoning of the court, this article also looks intothe prevailing political circumstances in the country and reflects upon the trialand the reception that this important decision has had, and will receive, in thewider community.

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Arson attracts substantial penalties in Australia, reflecting the serious consequences of the crime. It is often asserted that people with intellectual disability are particularly likely to commit arson offences, and yet it is difficult to establish the prevalence in this population. This study sought to describe the characteristics of those people appearing in Australian Courts who have an intellectual disability and have been charged with arson. A search of the AustLII, LexisNexisAU and WestLawAU databases over the 10-year period from 2003 to 2013 identified 50 arson convictions reported in case law. Of these, six involved an offender with an identified intellectual disability. These offenders were likely to have committed other crimes at the time, or to have prior offences and were likely to receive longer sentences of imprisonment than their non-intellectually disabled counterparts. These findings are discussed in terms of the barriers that exist to understanding more about this under-researched population.

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BACKGROUND: Many offenders with intellectual disabilities have substance use issues. Offending behaviour may be associated with substance use. MATERIALS AND METHODS: Prisoners with and without intellectual disabilities were compared in terms of their substance use prior to imprisonment, the influence of substance use on offending, and their participation in alcohol and drug treatment programmes. RESULTS: Substance use was similar in prisoners with and without intellectual disabilities in the year prior to their current prison terms. Prisoners with intellectual disabilities were much less likely to report that substance use was an antecedent to the offences leading to their imprisonment. The completion rate of alcohol and drug treatment programmes was much lower for those with intellectual disabilities. CONCLUSIONS: Substance use may be as common in prisoners with intellectual disabilities as those without this condition. Services may need to reflect on whether their treatment programmes are meeting the needs of all prisoners.

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The imprisonment rate in Australia is at unprecedented high levels, both interms of actual prisoner numbers and the rate at which it is increasing. Forthe first time in recorded history the incarceration rate in Australia has morethan doubled in less than 25 years. Prison is the harshest form ofpunishment in our system of justice and imposes considerable hardship onoffenders. It also comes at a considerable financial cost to the community.Accordingly, the surge in prisoner numbers is a significant macro social,economic and legal development. The increase did not occur pursuant to anoverarching strategic plan and is an area that is under-researched. Theprison population increase has arisen as a result of a ‘tough on crime’approach that continues without any sign of abatement. The use ofimprisonment should only be increased if there is a demonstrable benefit tothe community. This article examines whether there is a sound rationalebehind the rising trend in prison numbers. The increasing incarceration ratehas coincided with a significant reduction in the crime rate. A causalconnection between the two events (increased prisoner numbers andreduced crime) could constitute a powerful argument in favour of the surgein prison numbers. However, an examination of the empirical data inAustralia fails to demonstrate even a tenable link between these events. Wealso conclude that at the theoretical level there is no rationale for theincreased use of imprisonment. If the imprisonment rate continues to rise,there is a risk of a prison and financial crisis similar to that currently beingexperienced in the United States, which has resulted in an extremecounter-reaction in the form of a retrospective reduction of some prison terms.

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This paper restricts itself to crimes involving corporate fiduciaries taking bad decisions at the expense of shareholders (corporate governance offenses). The arguments do not apply to fraud as moral wrongfulness exists in that case. To the extent that the actions covered by this paper are blameworthy, I argue that this determination must be disentangled from punishment. Disentanglement of blame from deserts suggests a via-media between criminalization and decriminalization - criminalization without incarceration. Accordingly, the legal process stops at the determination of guilt. The paper advances the criminalization debate because it does not get bogged down in the irreconcilable quarrel about whether corporate governance misbehavior ought to be criminalized for deterrence, retribution, or rehabilitation reasons, and whether it achieves any of these purposes. For these offenses, I argue that whichever theoretical justification underpins the decision to criminalize, imprisonment must not follow conviction. The conviction, despite the lack of incarceration, and the consequential sanctions likely to be imposed on the wrongdoer are sufficient to satisfy the three main justifications for criminalization. In appropriate cases, disgorgement of the offender’s gains will aid in the achievement of these objectives. The model proposed by this paper would yield significant savings by reducing prison costs. It would also allow the state to take advantage of the disproportionate cost/burden of conviction on corporate governance offenders. Owing to the offenders’ high earning potential, deterrence can be achieved at lower cost by conviction alone because the cost of incarceration does not have to be borne by the state whereas the destruction of capacity to generate similar (or indeed, any) income has to be suffered by the offender even without going to jail. If the cost of incarceration is the same for offenders with different earning capacities, imprisoning those with very high earning capacities is a waste of social capital if the objectives sought to be achieved by incarceration can be achieved through other means. Further, the cost of a conviction can be predicted with sufficient certainty in the case of white-collar criminals by looking at their earnings history, and in many cases this can be a significant sum. Unlike the common criminal who may not have a similarly predictable earning capacity and therefore suffer the same extent of monetary loss from a conviction, this loss ought to serve the deterrence function without the need for the state to spend money imprisoning the offender. In addition to loss of earning capacity, clawing back ill-gotten gains significantly adds to disutility. The paper is set out as follows: Part II briefly outlines the scope of the wrongs tackled as stemming from the principal-agent relationship in corporate law, and the inability of the law to overcome effectively problems resulting from the collectivization of the principal in that relationship. In Part III, I argue that conviction without imprisonment is a second-best alternative to decriminalization in cases where the conduct is blameworthy, and results in non-consensual harm. Part IV demonstrates the disutility caused by conviction alone to show that the objectives of criminalization can be satisfied without the need for imprisonment. Part V asserts that consequential sanctions like shaming add to the disutility of conviction. Part VI ties the thesis to Skilling’s conviction for bad business judgment devoid of moral wrongfulness to illustrate the problems with conflating blame and punishment. Part VII concludes.

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Women represent the fastest growing section of the prison population, not only in South Australia but across the Western world. And yet despite notable differences between the genders in the types of offence that result in imprisonment and the unique pathways into criminal behaviour, service responses have, to date, primarily been informed by knowledge about male prisoners. The aim of this report is to understand more about the specific needs of female prisoners in South Australia in a way that can inform their effective management and successful rehabilitation. It does this in three ways: Firstly, by reviewing the published literature and documenting what is known about the needs of female offenders, both in Australia and internationally; secondly, through a file review of all prisoners held in the Adelaide Women’s Prison; and finally, through a survey of a sample of prisoners to determine self-identified areas of need as well as satisfaction with the services that are currently provided. This information is then collated to identify a number of directions for the development of high quality and gender-responsive programs and services in the South Australian correctional system

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Background : Violence risk assessment in schizophrenia relies heavily on criminal history factors.

Aims : To investigate which criminal history factors are most strongly associated with violent crime in schizophrenia.

Method : A total of 13 806 individuals (8891 men and 4915 women) with two or more hospital admissions for schizophrenia were followed up for violent convictions. Multivariate hazard ratios for 15 criminal history factors included in different risk assessment tools were calculated. The incremental predictive validity of these factors was estimated using tests of discrimination, calibration and reclassification.

Results : Over a mean follow-up of 12.0 years, 17.3% of men (n = 1535) and 5.7% of women (n = 281) were convicted of a violent offence. Criminal history factors most strongly associated with subsequent violence for both men and women were a previous conviction for a violent offence; for assault, illegal threats and/or intimidation; and imprisonment. However, only a previous conviction for a violent offence was associated with incremental predictive validity in both genders following adjustment for young age and comorbid substance use disorder.

Conclusions : Clinical and actuarial approaches to assess violence risk can be improved if included risk factors are tested using multiple measures of performance.

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A presente dissertação procura identificar a maneira pela qual a problemática da mulher afeta o magistério, majoritariamente feminino, analisando a partir dai, as dificuldades que se apresentam para uma real transformação da escola pública. No movimento das contradições que povoam a Escola em nosso Estado, a questão feminina se faz presente como uma das determinantes, para a super! ção ou não, do conservadorismo que tão bem caracteriza ainda esta Escola Pública proveniente do Brasil Republicano. O histórico da condição feminina através dos séculos denota toda uma· luta pelo seu direito ã esfera pública, principalmente pelo trabalho. Isto demonstra que o "aprisionamento" feminino, na esfera privada,nada tem a ver com caracteres biológicos, mas sim com múltiplas determinações políticas, sociais e econômicas de cada sociedade, em dado momento histórico. E tal "aprisionamento" será uma das dificuldades da mulher-professora em se constituir como profissional consciente, atuando, de forma critica, para a me lnoria de nossa Escola. Nas últimas décadas (de 60 para cá), percebemos todo um movimento de rebeldia que originará lideranças femininas, lutando, não apenas pela libertação das mulheres, mas também por transformações profundas em nossa Escola e na sociedade como um todo. A presença petrificada da MULHER na história oficial brasileira, como mucama, sinhá-moça, escrava ou professorinha, já aponta, hoje, possibilidades de mudança no horizonte de construção de uma NOVA MULHER, sujeito de sua própria história, profissional competente e militante política. Esta NOVA PROFESSORA, não mais será a "tia ou a "professorinha" e sim, finalmente, CIDADÃ ... TORNANDO-SE MULHER (Beauvoir).

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O presente trabalho tem por finalidade estudar a Justiça Restaurativa como uma alternativa a pena de prisão e sua utilização pelo Poder Judiciário. O trabalho foi realizado pelo modelo plan francês, desenvolvido em duas partes, uma parte teórica e uma prática; cada uma das partes foi dividida em dois capítulos. Na parte teórica, no primeiro capítulo foi estudada a justiça restaurativa, seus conceitos e peculiaridades, além de sua contextualização no universo jurídico. No segundo capítulo foram estudados os institutos da mediação e da conciliação, bem como à aproximação dos referidos institutos da justiça restaurativa. Na segunda parte, a prática; primeiramente abordamos o Projeto de Lei nº 7006/2006, que visa introduzir a Justiça Restaurativa em nosso sistema penal de forma institucionalizada e a Resolução nº 125 do Conselho Nacional de Justiça (CNJ). No segundo capítulo analisamos os programas de justiça restaurativa existentes no Brasil, a criação dos Núcleos de Mediação pelo Tribunal de Justiça do Estado do Rio de Janeiro; mapeamos a justiça restaurativa no Estado do Rio de Janeiro e não identificamos nenhum projeto em andamento. E por fim analisamos os indícios da Justiça Restaurativa existentes no Juizado Especial Criminal (JECRIM) da Barra da Tijuca, onde esse tipo de procedimento não existe de forma estruturada. Não existe um programa que dê aporte a prática, sendo utilizada, quando possível, como mais um instrumento para resolução dos conflitos, por meio da mediação penal.

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Este trabalho objetiva constatar se a pena de prestação de serviços à comunidade, quando aplicada, tem um papel educativo junto ao infrator beneficiário da medida, seja como substituta da pena privativa de liberdade, após a condenação, seja como medida alternativa, após transação penal em sede do Juizado Especial Criminal. Com base no conceito de educação apresentado pelo professor Paulo Freire, busca identificar, através de entrevistas com beneficiários, se existe um trabalho conscientizador ( mediante troca de experiências e atividades educativas) desenvolvido pelas instituições receptoras dos beneficiários da medida e, se a reinserção imediata do infrator na sociedade viabiliza essa conscientização sobre a sua conduta criminosa. Assim, pretende constatar se a referida medida tem apenas um caráter punitivo ou vem desenvolvendo uma função educativa durante a sua execução.