856 resultados para Hugo Chávez. Venezuela. Veja magazine. Media. News coverage.Manipulation. Disqualification policy
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Esta pesquisa tem o propósito de analisar o jornalismo de serviço em dois casos da mídia impressa brasileira: o jornal Folha de S. Paulo e a revista Veja, incluindo a revista Veja São Paulo. O que se buscou foi entender como o jornalismo de serviço, também denominado de gênero utilitário ou espécies utilitárias, está presente no jornalismo impresso atual. Em um primeiro momento realizou-se revisão bibliográfica sobre esta modalidade de produção jornalística. A seguir, fez-se uma pesquisa exploratória sobre o material de jornalismo de serviço publicado nos objetos estudados. Em terceiro momento, foi efetuada uma abordagem quantitativa dos formatos e tipos do gênero utilitário nesses veículos em questão, em edições selecionadas no ano de 2008. E, por último, através de entrevistas semi-abertas com editores da Veja e da Folha de S. Paulo, pretendeu-se entender os motivos que subsidiam as decisões editorais a respeito de tal modalidade jornalística. A análise revelou a presença deste gênero jornalístico desde o início da publicação desses veículos até os dias atuais. Contatou-se a existência de seis formatos, sendo quatro deles já identificados por Marques de Melo, e dois identificados nesta pesquisa, que foram considerados como tipos híbridos de gêneros.(AU)
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Esta pesquisa tem o propósito de analisar o jornalismo de serviço em dois casos da mídia impressa brasileira: o jornal Folha de S. Paulo e a revista Veja, incluindo a revista Veja São Paulo. O que se buscou foi entender como o jornalismo de serviço, também denominado de gênero utilitário ou espécies utilitárias, está presente no jornalismo impresso atual. Em um primeiro momento realizou-se revisão bibliográfica sobre esta modalidade de produção jornalística. A seguir, fez-se uma pesquisa exploratória sobre o material de jornalismo de serviço publicado nos objetos estudados. Em terceiro momento, foi efetuada uma abordagem quantitativa dos formatos e tipos do gênero utilitário nesses veículos em questão, em edições selecionadas no ano de 2008. E, por último, através de entrevistas semi-abertas com editores da Veja e da Folha de S. Paulo, pretendeu-se entender os motivos que subsidiam as decisões editorais a respeito de tal modalidade jornalística. A análise revelou a presença deste gênero jornalístico desde o início da publicação desses veículos até os dias atuais. Contatou-se a existência de seis formatos, sendo quatro deles já identificados por Marques de Melo, e dois identificados nesta pesquisa, que foram considerados como tipos híbridos de gêneros.(AU)
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Antecedentes: la obesidad es un problema de salud pública en España. Los medios de comunicación son una herramienta útil para la salud pública. Objetivo: explorar el tratamiento periodístico de la obesidad en la prensa escrita española durante 2000-2005, frecuencia de aparición, fuentes de información y enfoques, en relación con el contexto social. Materiales y métodos: análisis de contenido cuantitativo de 690 noticias publicadas en El País, El Mundo y ABC. Cálculo de frecuencias y odds ratio (OR) con intervalos de confianza (IC) del 95% y significación estadística. Resultados: incrementaron las noticias de 2000 (n=25) a 2005 (n=185). Se centraron en denuncias (36,4%) y magnitud del problema (15,7%), en detrimento de aquellas sobre iniciativas-estrategias políticas (3,8%). Destacan los hombres como fuentes informativas principales (75,5%) y las mujeres como primeras firmantes de las noticias (56,1%). Los hombres del ámbito médico-sanitario (OR=1,98;IC95%,1,11-3,57) y las mujeres del ámbito político (OR=2,54;IC95%1,46-4,42) tienen mayor probabilidad de ser la fuente informativa principal. Conclusiones: la cobertura periodística de la obesidad durante 2000-2005 aumentó, coincidiendo con el desarrollo de respuestas políticas en torno al tema. Principalmente, se denuncia el problema. Destaca la escasa cobertura periodística de iniciativas-estrategias políticas, sugiriendo incipiente interacción entre la agenda política y mediática.
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El tratamiento informativo de los Juegos Paralímpicos de 2008 en los medios españoles aparece ligado casi exclusivamente a los valores asociados al universo deportivo, según un estudio previo. Los paralímpicos son atletas, no personas con discapacidad. Ni se tendió al sensacionalismo ni se ofreció una imagen estereotipada. Debido a la particularidad del acontecimiento, también desaparecen reivindicaciones y problemas. Se trata de información deportiva en la que importa el resultado, los éxitos, las medallas. Para profundizar en la comprensión de la representación televisiva de los deportistas con discapacidad, el objeto de estudio es ahora la información televisiva al margen de la dinámica noticiosa de la cobertura diaria de los Juegos. El análisis de otro tipo de piezas, reportajes, ha permitido descubrir marcas tendentes a la estereotipación vinculadas al campo semántico periodístico, aquel que se hace visible a través del uso de recursos que propician la emotividad y la espectacularización. Emergen las historias de vida y detalles íntimos. Los protagonistas muestran una gran autoestima y una autoidentidad positiva al alejarse de las representaciones sociales habituales de la discapacidad.
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Introducción. Las discusiones sobre la necesidad de conservación del virus de la viruela en 1999 pusieron de actualidad una enfermedad erradicada veinte años atrás. El escenario de alarma internacional creado tras los incidentes del 11-S en EE.UU vino a resituar a la viruela como potencial candidata para ser utilizada como arma bioterrorista. La consecuencia directa fue la reactivación de una vacuna que permanecía en el olvido y cuyos destinatarios iniciales eran los cuerpos de seguridad estadounidenses. España también se interesó por adquirir la vacuna antivariólica. El objetivo de este estudio es valorar la cobertura mediática que la viruela obtuvo en nuestro país. Métodos. Revisión sistemática en la base documental Dow Jones Factiva de las noticias publicadas durante el periodo 1999-2004 en los cuatro diarios de mayor tirada nacional (ABC, El Mundo, El País y La Vanguardia), utilizando como palabra clave “viruela”. Se efectuó un análisis cuantitativo y cualitativo de los datos obtenidos. Resultados. Se analizaron 416 noticias. El Mundo, con un total de 158 (37.98%), fue el diario con más publicaciones. El mayor número de noticias (152, 36,5%) se editaron en 2003, coincidiendo con la adquisición de vacunas por España. El tipo de mensajes emitidos fue variable a lo largo del sexenio, predominando los relacionados con “diplomacia y política”, “riesgo epidemiológico”, “bioterrorismo” y “vacuna”, concentrados en años diferentes. Conclusiones. La alarma creada en torno a la vacunación antivariólica fue un fenómeno mediático que obedeció a cuestiones de estrategia política más que a un problema real de salud pública.
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This paper presents two case studies that suggest, in different but complementary ways, that the critical tool of frame analysis (Entman, 2002) has a place not only in the analytical environments of critical media research and media studies classes, where it is commonly found, but also in the media-production oriented environments of skills-based journalism training and even the newsroom. The expectations and constraints of both the latter environments, however, necessitate forms of frame analysis that are quick and simple. While commercial pressures mean newsrooms and skills-based journalism-training environments are likely to allow only an oversimplified approach to frame analysis, we argue that even a simple understanding and analysis at the production end could help to shift framing in ways that not only improve the quality and depth of Australasian newspapers' news coverage, but increase reader satisfaction with media output.
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Esta pesquisa tem o propósito de analisar o jornalismo de serviço em dois casos da mídia impressa brasileira: o jornal Folha de S. Paulo e a revista Veja, incluindo a revista Veja São Paulo. O que se buscou foi entender como o jornalismo de serviço, também denominado de gênero utilitário ou espécies utilitárias, está presente no jornalismo impresso atual. Em um primeiro momento realizou-se revisão bibliográfica sobre esta modalidade de produção jornalística. A seguir, fez-se uma pesquisa exploratória sobre o material de jornalismo de serviço publicado nos objetos estudados. Em terceiro momento, foi efetuada uma abordagem quantitativa dos formatos e tipos do gênero utilitário nesses veículos em questão, em edições selecionadas no ano de 2008. E, por último, através de entrevistas semi-abertas com editores da Veja e da Folha de S. Paulo, pretendeu-se entender os motivos que subsidiam as decisões editorais a respeito de tal modalidade jornalística. A análise revelou a presença deste gênero jornalístico desde o início da publicação desses veículos até os dias atuais. Contatou-se a existência de seis formatos, sendo quatro deles já identificados por Marques de Melo, e dois identificados nesta pesquisa, que foram considerados como tipos híbridos de gêneros.(AU)
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Esta dissertação tem por objetivo, através da análise de conteúdo de naturezas quantitativa e qualitativa, verificar como a revista Veja fez a cobertura da campanha eleitoral de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, em 1998, bem como verificar de que forma se deu a construção da imagem pública do candidato FHC pela publicação no período de junho a outubro do referido ano, no qual Fernando Henrique foi reeleito em primeiro turno, analisando se Veja deu mais espaço para FHC do que para seus oponentes. Para ampliar o conhecimento em relação ao objeto, estudou-se o universo da propaganda política, ideológica e do marketing político, bem como se discutiu os valores ideológicos históricos da revista Veja. Com isso, verificou-se que Veja, no período analisado, publicou mais matérias sobre Fernando Henrique Cardoso do que qualquer outro candidato à presidência, em 1998, além de colocá-lo, quase sempre, como o mais bem preparado para continuar à frente da presidência da República, naquela época. As matérias publicadas, portanto, fortaleceram significativamente a imagem de FHC perante os leitores de Veja, favorecendo-o em relação a seus oponentes.
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Despite its founding by Hugo Chávez on the heels of the failed Free Trade Area for the Americas (FTAA) negotiations which took place November 2003, the Bolivarian Alliance for the Americas (ALBA, as it is known for its Spanish acronym) has evolved into a political tool that uses “social power” to facilitate Venezuelas positioning as the leader of the anti-U.S. agenda in the region. Fostering political favors and goodwill through the financing of social development projects, ALBA has created a political environment whereby countries on the take and their respective leaders seem deterred from taking public opposing viewpoints to Chávez. To that end, it has provided billions in economic aid to several nations in Latin American and the Caribbean, winning their favor and support for its policies. To date, ALBA counts on eight member nations. Besides Venezuela, it includes Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Cuba, Dominica, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. It also has several observer nations, among them, Grenada, Haiti, Paraguay, Uruguay, and a non-Latin American country, Syria. Throughout its recent history Venezuela has used its oil wealth to pursue political capital. Under the Chávez government it is doing so as part of a strategic effort countering the U.S. Following Cuba‟s demise in the region as the anti-American socialist camp leader, Chávez is attempting to step into Cuba‟s shoes, picking up where Cuba left off over a decade ago and has used the ALBA as a mechanism to help promote his foreign policy. Relying on its own resources, not those of the Soviet Union as Cuba once did, Venezuela has already shown its influence in the international arena, challenging U.S. positions at the Organization of American States (OAS), the United Nations, and even in matters having little if nothing to do with the region, such as Iran‟s nuclear proliferation. Taking advantage of Venezuelas oil prices bonanza, Chávez has been spreading economic aid throughout the region, funding several development projects. From stepping in to buy Bolivia‟s soy beans when the U.S. ceased doing so, to helping finance and construct an airport in Dominica, Venezuelas ALBA has provided assistance to many states in the region. As in the past, Venezuela has invested significantly both in time and money in the Caribbean, providing development assistance and oil at a discount to Haiti, St. Kitts and Nevis, and the Dominican Republic, although the latter two are neither member nor observer states of ALBA. The aid Chávez has been spreading around may be coming at a cost. It seems it has begun to cause cracks within the CARICOM community, where ALBA already counts on six of its 15 members, leading experts and leaders in the region to question traditional alliances to each other and the U.S. Yet, ALBA‟s ability to influence through aid is dependent on the Venezuelan economy. Its success hinges on continued Venezuelan oil sales at stable prices and the ability of Chávez to remain in power.
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Three key states are relevant in considering future nuclear proliferation in Latin America: Argentina, Brazil, and Venezuela. Argentina and Brazil are critical because of their relatively advanced nuclear capabilities. For historical and geopolitical reasons, neither Argentina nor Brazil is likely to reactive nuclear weapons programs. Venezuelas President, Hugo Chávez, has repeatedly demonstrated interest in developing a nuclear program, yet Venezuela lacks any serious nuclear expertise. Even if it had the managerial and technological capacity, the lead-time to develop an indigenous nuclear program would be measured in decades. Acquisition of nuclear technology from international sources would be difficult because members of the Nuclear Suppliers Group would insist on safeguards, and potential non-Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) suppliers are highly surveilled, risking the exposure of such a program before Venezuela could put a deterrent into place. While South American states have historically opposed nuclear weapons, their acquisition by Brazil and Argentina would lead to little more than diplomatic condemnation. Brazil and Argentina are both geopolitically satisfied powers that are deeply embedded in a regional security community. On the other hand, Venezuela under President Chávez is perceived as a revisionist power seeking a transformation of the international system. Venezuelan acquisition of nuclear weapons would be met with alarm by the United States and Colombia, and it would prompt nuclear weapons development by Brazil and possibly Argentina, more for reasons of preserving regional leadership and prestige than for fear of a Venezuelan threat.
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Este artículo analiza la eclosión mediática y política del partido político Podemos durante sus primeros meses de vida tras las elecciones europeas. Comprobaremos si el interés que despierta el partido en sus inicios, en intención de voto, se traslada a las audiencias de televisión con dos hipótesis que muestran la estrategia comunicativa de Podemos y su repercusión: la H1 afirma que los programas en los que participa Pablo Iglesias obtienen mayor audiencia de la habitual y la H2 plantea que la apuesta del líder de Podemos por el medio televisivo es muy superior y con mejores resultados con respecto a los partidos clásicos. Los resultados demuestran que los programas en los que participa (N=14) crecen un 62% y baten récord de audiencia. Concluimos que la estrategia comunicativa de Podemos da importancia a la televisión, además de continuar con la estrategia en redes aprendida en el 15M.
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Traditionally, big media corporations have contributed to hiding the women’s movement itself, as well as its main claims and topics of discussion (Marx, Myra y Hess, 1995; Rhode, 1995; Mendes, 2011). This has led the feminist movement to develop its own media generally print publications, usually, with a very specialized character and reduced audience. This is similar to what has occurred with quality main stream media, asthese publications have had to adapt themselves to a new communicatiion context, because of the financial crisis and technological evolution. Feminist media has found in the Internet an excellent opportunity to access citizens and communicate their messages. , In view of this scene of change and renovation, this article offers the results of a qualitative analysis focused on the experiences of four feminist online media sites edited in Spain: Pikaramagazine.com, Proyecto-kahlo.com, Mujeresenred.net and Laindependent.cat. Besides exploring the characteristics and content of these sites, the article pays attention to the virality of their contents spread through Facebook and Twitter. The onclusion estimates their social impact, insofar as they symbolize the specialization, diversification and dialogue promoted by the Web.
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LGB teens’ feelings, desires, and physical attractions run contrary to the heteronormative standards of American society. As such, LGB youth often experience feelings of sadness and dejection that can lead to depression and suicidal tendencies (Russell & Joyner, 2001). Evaluating the factors that could possibly influence the emotional well-being of LGB youth would be an important undertaking given the hindrances LGB adolescents face during sexual socialization. The purpose of this dissertation was to study the portrayal of sexuality in media popular with LGB adolescents and to assess the relationship between media exposure and emotional well-being among LGB teens. In particular, this dissertation distinguished between mainstream media and gay- and lesbian-oriented (GLO) media. GLO media were defined as any media outlet specifically designed, produced, and marketed for gay and lesbian audiences. Two studies were conducted to serve as the initial investigation in a program of research that will be designed to better understand the role of media in the lives of LGB individuals. The first study of this dissertation was a content analysis of the television programs, films, songs, and magazines most popular with LGB teens as determined by self-reports of media consumption in a survey of media use. A total of 96 media vehicles composed the content analysis sample, including 48 television programs, 22 films, 25 musical artists, and 6 magazines. Using a coding scheme that was adapted from previous media sex research, Study 1 measured the frequency of sexual instances as well as the type, nature, and source characteristics for each sexual instance. Results of the content analysis suggest that heterosexuality reigns supreme in mainstream media. When LGB sexuality is depicted in mainstream media, it is often sanitized. LGB sexual talk is rarely sexual; rather it is primarily about the social or cultural components of being lesbian, gay, or bisexual. LGB sexual behavior is also rare in mainstream media, which tend to depict LGB individuals as non-sexually as possible. LGB sexuality in mainstream media exists, but is more about proclaiming LGB identity than actually living it. GLO media depicted LGB sexuality more frequently than mainstream media did. GLO media often depict LGB sexuality in a more realistic manner. LGB sexual talk is about LGB identity, as well as the relational and sexual aspects of being a sexual minority. LGB sexual behavior is commonplace in GLO media, depicting LGB individuals as sexual beings. LGB sexuality in GLO media is prevalent and relatively authentic. The second study was a survey that assessed the relationship between media exposure (both mainstream media and GLO media) and LGB teens’ emotional well-being, considering self-discrepancy as an important mediating variable in that relationship. Study 2 also considered age, sex, and sexual identity commitment as possible moderating variables in the relationship between media exposure and emotional well-being. In Study 2, emotional well-being was defined as lower levels of dejection-related emotions. LGB adolescents (N = 573) completed a questionnaire that was used to investigate the relationships between media exposure and emotional well-being. Results of the survey indicated that mainstream media exposure was not significantly associated with dejection-related emotions. In contrast, GLO media exposure was negatively related to feelings of dejection even when controlling for age, sex, race, perceived social support, school climate, religiosity, geographical location, sexuality of peers, and motivation for viewing LGB inclusive media content. Neither age nor sex moderated the relationships between media exposure variables and dejection, but sexual identity commitment did act as a moderator in the relationship between GLO media exposure and dejection. The negative relationship between GLO media exposure and dejection was stronger for participants lower in sexual identity commitment than for participants higher in sexual identity commitment. In addition, the magnitude of discrepancies between the actual self and the ideal self mediated the relationship between GLO media exposure and dejection for LGB adolescents low in sexual identity commitment. However, self-discrepancy did not mediate the relationship between GLO media exposure and dejection for LGB teens highly committed to their sexual identities. Results of both the content analysis and the survey are discussed in terms of implications for theory and method. Practical implications of this dissertation’s findings are also discussed, as well as directions for future research.