937 resultados para Hate motivated crimes


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In recent times, and in times of insurgent globalisation, modern notions of identity and with them, conceptions of essential and primordially defined difference seem to have fallen apart. Identity is understood as post-modern, a ‘moveable feast’ of ever-in-process, negotiated differences. The examination of the material and conceptual terms and conditions that position these logics otherwise suggests that these arguments remain tied within conceptions of ourselves made through the ambivalent conceptions of others. In this paper, I trace these paradoxical relations as they are represented in a particular local Melbourne school at each end of a decade and at a time of increasing demographic change and global transformation. Teachers and parents understood and defined their identities and the identities of others in ways that were increasingly fragmented, changing and complex. Beneath these changing patterns, they continued to define others as different and as not us in ways that were ambivalent and extreme. These negotiations took place differently in recent years as the definitions of essential notions of identity changed and became more complex to define. Nevertheless, they continued as ambivalent stories of otherness that transversed the tortuous spectrum between orientalism and nativism speculated upon in post-colonial writings.

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Aeschylus and Euripides used tragic female characters to help fulfill the purpose of religious celebration and to achieve the motivation of public reaction. The playwrights, revising myths about tragic woman and redefining the Greek definition of appropriate femininity, supported or questioned the very customs which they changed. Originally composed as part of a religious festival for Dionysus, the god of wine, revelry and fertility, the tragedies of Aeschylus and Euripides were evaluated by Aristotle. He favored Aeschylus over Euripides, but it appears as if his stipulations for tragic characterization do not apply to Aeschylean and Euripidean women. Modem critics question both Aristotle's analysis in the Poetics as well as the tragedies which he evaluated. As part of the assessment of Aeschylus, the character of the Persian Queen, Atossa, appears as a conradiction the images that Greeks maintain of non-Greeks. The Persians is discussed in relation to modem criticisms and as on its function as a warning against radical changes in Athenian domestic life. The Oresteia, a trilogy, also charts the importance of an atypical woman in Aeschylean tragedy, and how this role, Clytaemnestra, represents an extreme example of the natural and necessary evolution of families, households and kingdoms. In contrast to Aeschylus' plea to retain nomoi (traditional custom and law), EUripides' tragedy, the Medea, demonstrates the importance of a family and a country to provide security, especially for women. Medea's abandonment by Jason and subsequent desperation drives her to commit murder in the hope of revenge. Ultimately, Euripides advocates changes in social convention away from the alienation of non-Greek, non-citizens, and females. Euripides is, unfortunately, tagged a misogynist by some in this tragedy and another example-the Hippolytus. Euripides' Phaedra becomes entangled in a scheme of divine vengeance and ultimately commits suicide in an attempt to avoid societal shame. Far from treatises of hate, Euripidean women take advantage of the little power they possess within a constrictive social system. While both Aeschylus and Euripides revise customary images and expectations of women in the context of religiously-motivated drama, one playwright intends to maintain civic order and the other intends to challenge the secular norm.

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The clear presence of vengeance as an underlying motive behind calls for self-help in the immediate aftermath of some violent homicides indicates that community protection is largely irrelevant where vigilantism is associated with these 'signal crimes'. This paper documents the characteristics of five major cases between 2006 and 2007 where the threat ofcommunity-generated vigilante activity received media coverage, the nature of that coverage, the role of police in cautioning the public to reassert their legitimacy and monopoly over the correct procedures for conducting criminal
investigations and the implications of these issues in light of the moral 'outrage' associated with the status of the victim in each case. In an era of increased community concern about crime, it appears vigilantism is an important rhetorical indicator of the level of collective insecurity prompted by fatal assaults, especially in regional areas characterised by underlying racial
tensions and cases involving vulnerable child victims. However, when viewed alongside the virtual victimhood promoted by stylised press reporting, it appears 'vigilantism' is a pertinent signifier of public anxiety over the timing, location and antecedents of some serious violent crimes, rather than a descriptor of any substantive community-generated measures aimed at promoting greater levels of public safety.

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This paper examines the role of small newspapers in Australia when bizarre and shocking crimes are committed locally. These crimes often attract intense media attention that casts a net of shame across entire townships through their representation as places of fascination and fear in the public imagination. We take a practice approach in the tradition of Pierre Bourdieu to explore the complex editorial considerations, news judgements and community responsibilities small newspapers must negotiate when covering these stories for local audiences. This study focuses on three towns in regional Australia that have been represented in metropolitan and international news media as ‘dead zones' after shocking crimes: Bowral in NSW, Snowtown in South Australia and Moe in Victoria.

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In Australia and New Zealand, the strategies employed by governments to remedy prejudice, intolerance and hatred occur on a continuum; ranging from global mission statements about multiculturalism/ biculturalism, through to the enactment of civil anti-discrimination and anti-vilification legislation. In some jurisdictions, these civil remedies have been extended to criminal codes and sentencing legislation, and enshrined in human rights charters. In the place of a comprehensive outline of each of the nine jurisdictions, case studies from throughout the region are presented as exemplars of the strategies employed and barriers faced in reducing prejudice-related violence.

The differences between the Australian and New Zealand jurisdictions belies a common theme that frames the delay in developing legislative responses to hate crime and the paucity of cases to reach the point at which they begin to establish an agreed set of norms and values about the abhorrence of prejudice and hatred. At most turns—whether political or public rhetoric, or legislative and policy development - there is a frontier denial, minimisation and negation of prejudice and hatred.

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This paper considers issues related to the reporting of non-convictions for minor criminal offences. The entry point for the discussion is a content analysis of press court reporting across the Australian state of Victoria that shows that many newspapers report non-convictions. The paper observes that as the practice of reporting non-convictions has extended into digital space, a person the local court decides should not have a black mark recorded against their name can now be named and shamed before a global audience for an indefinite period. 


This paper has two aims: to document the Victorian news media’s practice of reporting non-convictions for minor offences, and to argue that its authority to name and shame those who receive non-convictions should be considered through the lens of media power. It is the second stage in a research project on “naming and shaming” of people who come to the attention of journalists as potential news stories when they appear before the courts.