838 resultados para Education and Centers of Sciences
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v. 22 (1911)
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v. 9 (1898)
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v. 33 (1922)
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v. 18 (1907)
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v. 34 (1923)
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v. 5 (1894)
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v. 25 (1914)
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This paper develops a comprehensive framework for the quantitative analysis of the private and fiscal returns to schooling and of the effect of public policies on private incentives to invest in education. This framework is applied to 14 member states of the European Union. For each of these countries, we construct estimates of the private return to an additional year of schooling for an individual of average attainment, taking into account the effects of education on wages and employment probabilities after allowing for academic failure rates, the direct and opportunity costs of schooling, and the impact of personal taxes, social security contributions and unemployment and pension benefits on net incomes. We also construct a set of effective tax and subsidy rates that measure the effects of different public policies on the private returns to education, and measures of the fiscal returns to schooling that capture the long-term effects of a marginal increase in attainment on public finances under c
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This paper develops a comprehensive framework for the quantitative analysis of the private and fiscal returns to schooling and of the effect of public policies on private incentives to invest in education. This framework is applied to 14 member states of the European Union. For each of these countries, we construct estimates of the private return to an additional year of schooling for an individual of average attainment, taking into account the effects of education on wages and employment probabilities after allowing for academic failure rates, the direct and opportunity costs of schooling, and the impact of personal taxes, social security contributions and unemployment and pension benefits on net incomes. We also construct a set of effective tax and subsidy rates that measure the effects of different public policies on the private returns to education, and measures of the fiscal returns to schooling that capture the long-term effects of a marginal increase in attainment on public finances under conditions that approximate general equilibrium.
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My interest in higher education and citizenship in the Middle East at large and in Jordan in particular is fostered by some of the reflections Eickelman proposed (1992). Being a quite recent phenomenon, intimately linked with the more general topic of state formation it seemed to me more suitable to study it in a little country with a recent history (a field study left almost unexplored until now as far as Jordan is concerned, to the best of my knowledge, since Antoun 1994 focuses on the migration as a quest for higher education). The process of state formation in Jordan is quite studied. I thus intended to study the higher education policies as an attempt both to create a national citizenry and more recently as a way of controlling the more problematic part of the population (youth, which constitutes more than the double of the population. See UNDP and Ministry of Planning 2000). How do the young students enter the university system, and in which way does this system work? How is this system designed, in order to retain social control of the students (since they are usually perceived to be a factor of social and political instability, as in Iran or in Egypt)? Is there any significant difference between different faculties? And if so, why? My conclusions at this stage are that the university system is an integral part of the survival of the regime. The system works quite well, and Jordan has one of the best educational position in the region. Yet there are important distinctions to be made: the access to the better faculties is socially selective while the less valued faculties are left to the poorer and less wealthy youth. This results in a different treatment of the students and of the courses that I analysed. In the better faculties the teaching standards are quite high, and the relationship between professors and students is almost on a same-level base, while in the less privileged faculties the opposite is true. Thus we can observe a concrete politics of divide et impera intended to split the youth in two. For the more privileged there are some freedoms, both within and outside classes, designed I guess at forging them as autonomous individuals. On the opposite the less privileged are kept under tight control, even if also these students are a privileged category among youth at large.
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1. Interpretation. The purpose of this provision is set out some commonly used terms to be used in the Bill. 2. Establishment day. The purpose of this provision is to require the Minister to specify a day as the establishment day for the purposes of the Bill. This will be the day on which the new authority, to be known as SOLAS, will come into existence. 3. Establishment of SOLAS. The purpose of this head is to provide for the formal establishment of SOLAS and to define its status as a corporate body with the usual consequent powers. 4. Functions of SOLAS. The purpose of this head is to set down the statutory functions of the new further education and training authority. SOLAS is to have overall strategic responsibility for the provision of further education and training in the country. It will be responsible for deciding what further education and training programmes are provided. A core part of its role will be to ensure the referral of jobseekers to appropriate courses which may be delivered by VECs or by other, including private, providers. It will provide the funding stream to VECS and those other bodies for the provision of this training.
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General Scheme of a Further Education and Training Authority (SOLAS) Bill 2012. Provided by the Department of Education and Skills, Ireland.
Management Framework Agreement between the Department of Education and Skills and City of Dublin ETB
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Management Framework Agreement between the Department of Education and Skills and City of Dublin ETB. Provided by the Department of Education and Skills, Ireland.