985 resultados para Dwinell, Israel Edson, 1820-1890.
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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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O tema de análise neste trabalho é o fenómeno da transculturação em Angola no século XIX. É uma pesquisa centrada na história de vida do sertanejo António Francisco Ferreira da Silva Porto, entre 1839 e 1890, no meio sócio-cultural umbundu. Transculturação é um termo polissémico que integra aspectos da aculturação sendo aqui utilizado no âmbito da História de vida de Silva Porto. Descodifica-se a narrativa no Diário de viagem que Silva Porto redigiu acerca da sua percepção sobre África e do seu percurso de convivência no processo da sua integração em África Central. A transculturação está nessa narrativa e reflecte múltiplas vivências, sobretudo, a visão social do “Outro” em relação à sua própria identidade de origem. Silva Porto é encarado neste trabalho como sujeito, autor, actor principal e protagonista do fenómeno da transculturação, na região do Viye em Angola. Identificaram-se cinco variáveis do fenómeno transcultural, presentes na trajectória de Silva Porto: o casamento, a língua, as viagens, a alimentação e a religião, com particular destaque para o casamento enquanto variável determinante na integração de Silva Porto na sociedade umbundu. Estas variáveis são apresentadas num iceberg de transculturação de Silva Porto que, por sua vez, permitem avaliar as diferenças culturais e o cruzamento entre as culturas sob um processo de alteridade, em confluência com um olhar distanciado. É um estudo onde perpassa o crivo das construções e representações de Silva Porto tendo em conta o seu contexto cultural de origem, predominantemente português, a sua adaptação e inserção nas culturas africanas, particularmente nas práticas sócio-culturais umbundu. A questão de partida deste estudo foi: Quem é Silva Porto depois de 50 anos de vivências em Angola?
Resumo:
O mercado da edição de livros convoca no seu entorno uma série de atores sociais que cumprem funções e papéis distintos, mas interconectados, que confluem num ponto: o da divulgação e disponibilização de conteúdos culturais a um determinado público. Este objetivo resulta sempre numa certa configuração geográfica conforme os grupos que se pretendem alcançar, bem como as estratégias que lhe subjazem. Assim, os conteúdos que são disponibilizados não se revestem de um caráter de neutralidade, procurando, ao invés, uma intervenção (ainda que não explícita ou consciente) na opinião pública. Deste modo, a presente dissertação tem como objetivo a caracterização do mercado editorial lisboeta no período final da Monarquia e o aferimento da ligação existente entre aquele e algumas questões que afetavam a opinião pública de então, constituindo debates sociais e culturais de relevo. O ângulo de análise escolhido é o do religioso, porquanto este se constitui como elemento nodal de estudo da sociedade portuguesa, na transição entre os séculos XIX e XX.
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This article addresses the work of Mizrahi women artists, i.e., Israeli-Jewish women of Asian or African ethnic origin, using the artist Vered Nissim as a case study. Nissim seeks to affirm the politics of identity and recognition, as well as feminism in order to create a paradigm shift with regards to the local regime of cultural representations in the Israeli art scene. Endeavouring to find ways of undermining the rigid imbalances between different social groups, she calls for a comprehensive reform of the status quo through artistic activism. Nissim employs a style, content, and medium that disrupts the accepted social order, using humour and irony as unique weapons with which she takes liberties with conventional moral, social, and economic values. Placing issues of race, class and gender at the centre of her work, she seeks to undermine and problematize essentialist attitudes, highlighting the political intersections of different identity categories as the critical analysis of intersectionality unfolds.
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1881 (T1)-1890 (T18).
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1890/01 (T18)-1890/06.
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1890 (T19)-1895 (T28).
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1890/07 (T19)-1890/12.
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Variante(s) de titre : La Science française et la science pour tous
