Use your freedom of choice : reasons for choosing homeschool in Australia

In Australia, the decision to home educate is becoming increasingly popular (cf. Harding & Farrell, 2003; Townsend, 2012). In spite of its increasing popularity, the reasons home education is chosen by Australian families is under-researched (cf. Jackson & Allan, 2010). This paper reports on a case study that set out to explore the links between families that unschool and the parenting philosophies they follow. In- depth, qualitative interviews were conducted with a group of home education families in one of Australia’s most populated cities. Data were analysed using Critical Discourse Analysis. The analysis revealed that there were links between the parents’ beliefs about home education and their adherence to Attachment Parenting.

“Well, hang on, they’re actually much better than that!” : disrupting dominant discourses of deficit about English language learners in senior high school English

This paper explores how four English teachers position their English language learners for critical literacy within senior high school curriculum in Queensland, Australia. Such learners are often positioned, even by their teachers, within a broader “deficit discourse” that claims they are inherently lacking the requisite knowledge and skills to engage with intransigent school curricula. As such, English language learners’ identity formation is often constrained by deficit views that can ultimately see limited kinds of literacy teaching offered to them. Using Fairclough’s (2003) critical discourse analysis method, analysis of 16 interviews with the teachers was conducted as part of a larger, critical instrumental case study in two state high schools during 2010. Five competing discourses were identified: deficit as lack; deficit as need; learner “difference” as a resource; conceptual capacity for critical literacy; and linguistic, cultural and conceptual difficulty with critical literacy. While a deficit view is present, counter-hegemonic discourses also exist in their talk. The combination of discourses challenges monolithic deficit views of English language learners, and opens up generative discursive territory to position English language learners in ways other than “problematic”. This has important implications for how teachers view and teach English language learners and their capacity for critical literacy work in senior high school classrooms.

International representations of inclusive education: How is inclusive practice reflected in the professional teaching standards of China and Australia?

Inclusive education focuses on addressing marginalisation, segregation and exclusion within policy and practice. The purpose of this article is to use critical discourse analysis to examine how inclusion is represented in the education policy and professional documents of two countries, Australia and China. In particular, teacher professional standards from each country are examined to determine how an expectation of inclusive educational practice is promoted to teachers. The strengthening of international partnerships to further support the implementation of inclusive practices within both countries is also justified.

The bias and assumptions in the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Action Plan

This presentation argues that “genuine” engagement and consultation is required where Indigenous voice is included within the policy development process for “true” progress to be achieved. With the ever increasing engagement of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people in the decision making processes of Indigenous education, it is anticipated that there will be provision of opportunities for better outcomes and a greater acceptance of the policy within community (Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet, 2014). This presentation is derived from a larger project where the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Education Action Plan (MCEECDYA, 2011) was critically analysed using Fairclough’s (2001) Critical Discourse Analysis framework and Rigney’s (1999) Indigenist Research Principles. Within this study, the underlying assumptions and bias identified within the policy and how it positions Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people were articulated. The major findings that emerged from the data included: - a) the homogenous grouping of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people; - b) the maintenance of the prevalent dominant ideology within policy, and finally; - c) the expectation by the power elite of increased engagement and connections by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples without consideration of the detrimental effects of past policies and reforms.

Transition of self: Repositioning the celebrity brand through social media—The case of Elizabeth Gilbert

Transitioning the personal brand from one representation to another is sometimes necessary, particularly within the public eye. Marketing literature regarding celebrities focuses on brand endorsement (see for example Till, 1998 or Erdogan, 1999), rather than the positioning of a celebrity brand. Furthermore, the role of social media in strengthening the celebrity brand has received limited attention in the literature outside of political marketing (see for example Crawford, 2009 and Grant, Moon and Grant, 2010). This study focuses on the brand of “Elizabeth Gilbert,” author of the bestseller memoir, Eat, Pray, Love (2006). Through critical discourse analysis, the way the author has used social media to reposition her celebrity brand at the time of the launch of her new novel, ‘The Signature of All Things’ (2013) is examined. This study focuses on the use of social media by celebrities to strengthen the celebrity brand.

Mapinduzi Daima – Revolution Forever : Using the 1964 Revolution in Nationalistic Political Discourses in Zanzibar

This Master's thesis examines two opposite nationalistic discourses on the revolution of Zanzibar. Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), the party in power since the 1964 revolution defends its revolutionary and "African" heritage in the current multi-party system. New nationalists, including among others the main opposition party Civic United Front (CUF), question both the 1964 revolution and the post-revolution period and blame CCM for empty promises, corruption and ethnic discrimination. This study analyzes the role of a significant historical event in the creation of nationalistic ideology and national identity. The 1964 revolution forms the nucleus of various debates related to the history of Zanzibar: slavery, colonialism, racial discrimination and political violence. Representations of these Social constructivist principles form the basis of this study, and central concepts in the theoretical framework are nationalism, national identity, ethnicity and race. I use critical discourse analysis as my research method, lean on the work by Teun A. van Dijk and Norman Fairclough as the most significant researchers in this field. I examine particularly the ways in which linguistic methods, such as stereotypes and metaphors are used to form in- and out-groups ("us" vs. "others"). My material, both in Swahili and English, was collected mainly in Tanzania in the fall of 2007 and from online sources in the spring of 2009. It includes publications by the Zanzibari government between the years of 1964-2000 (12), official speeches for the Revolution Day or the Union Day (12), articles from Tanzanian newspapers from the 1990s until the year of 2009 (15), memoirs and political pamphlets (10), blog posts and opinion pieces from four different websites (8), and interviews or personal communication in Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam and Uppsala (8). Nationalistic rhetoric often creates enemy images by using binary good-bad oppositions. Both discourses in this study build identities on the basis of "otherness" and exclusion, with the intent of emphasizing the particularity of the own group and excluding "evilness" outside the own reference group. These opposite views on the 1964 revolution as the main axis of the history of Zanzibar build different portraits of the nation and Zanzibari-ness (Uzanzibari). CCM still relies on the pre-revolutionary enemy images of Arabs as selfish rulers and cruel slave traders. For CCM, Zanzibar is primarily an "African" nation and a part of Tanzania which is threatened by "Arabs", the outsiders. In contrast, the new nationalists stress the long history of Zanzibar as multi-racial, cosmopolitan and formerly independent country which has its own, separate culture and identity from mainland Tanzanians. Heshima, honour/respect, one of the basic values of Swahili culture, occupies a central role in both discourses: the main party emphasizes that the revolution returned "heshima" to the Zanzibari Africans after centuries of humiliation, whereas the new nationalists claim that ever since the revolution all "non-Africans" have been humiliated and lost their "heshima". According to the new nationalists, true Zanzibari values which include tolerance and harmony between different "races" were lost when the "foreign" revolutionaries arrived from the mainland. Consequently, they see the 1964 revolution as Tanganyikan colonialism which began with the help of Western countries, and maintain that this "colonialism" still continues in the violent multi-party elections.

The right to a voice and the fight to be heard: The experience of being an ESL user in Australia

This paper focuses on the fundamental right to be heard, that is, the right to have one’s voice heard and listened to – to impose reception (Bourdieu, 1977). It focuses on the ways that non-mainstream English is heard and received in Australia, where despite public policy initiatives around equal opportunity, language continues to socially disadvantage people (Burridge & Mulder, 1998). English is the language of the mainstream and most people are monolingually English (Ozolins, 1993). English has no official status yet it remains dominant and its centrality is rarely challenged (Smolicz, 1995). This paper takes the position that the lack of language engagement in mainstream Australia leads to linguistic desensitisation. Writing in the US context where English is also the unofficial norm, Lippi-Green (1997) maintains that discrimination based on speech features or accent is commonly accepted and widely perceived as appropriate. In Australia, non-standard forms of English are often disparaged or devalued because they do not conform to the ‘standard’ (Burridge & Mulder, 1998). This paper argues that talk cannot be taken for granted: ‘spoken voices’ are critical tools for representing the self and negotiating and manifesting legitimacy within social groups (Miller, 2003). In multicultural, multilingual countries like Australia, the impact of the spoken voice, its message and how it is heard are critical tools for people seeking settlement, inclusion and access to facilities and services. Too often these rights are denied because of the way a person sounds. This paper reports a study conducted with a group that has been particularly vulnerable to ongoing ‘panics’ about language – international students. International education is the third largest revenue source for Australia (AEI, 2010) but has been beset by concerns from academics (Auditor-General, 2002) and the media about student language levels and falling work standards (e.g. Livingstone, 2004). Much of the focus has been high-stakes writing but with the ascendancy of project work in university assessment and the increasing emphasis on oracy, there is a call to recognise the salience of talk, especially among students using English as a second language (ESL) (Kettle & May, 2012). The study investigated the experiences of six international students in a Master of Education course at a large metropolitan university. It utilised data from student interviews, classroom observations, course materials, university policy documents and media reports to examine the ways that speaking and being heard impacted on the students’ learning and legitimacy in the course. The analysis drew on Fairclough’s (2003) model of the dialectical-relational Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to analyse the linguistic, discursive and social relations between the data texts and their conditions of production and interpretation, including the wider socio-political discourses on English, language difference, and second language use. The interests of the study were if and how discourses of marginalisation and discrimination manifested and if and how students recognised and responded to them pragmatically. Also how they juxtaposed with and/or contradicted the official rhetoric about diversity and inclusion. The underpinning rationale was that international students’ experiences can provide insights into the hidden politics and practices of being heard and afforded speaking rights as a second language speaker in Australia.

What counts as English in the internationalised Australian university: Implications for teaching and learning

English is currently ascendant as the language of globalisation, evident in its mediation of interactions and transactions worldwide. For many international students, completion of a degree in English means significant credentialing and increased job prospects. Australian universities are the third largest English-speaking destination for overseas students behind the United States and the United Kingdom. International students comprise one-fifth of the total Australian university population, with 80% coming from Asian countries (ABS, 2010). In this competitive higher education market, English has been identified as a valued ‘good’. Indeed, universities have been critiqued for relentlessly reproducing the “hegemony and homogeneity of English” (Marginson, 2006, p. 37) in order to sustain their advantage in the education market. For international students, English is the gatekeeper to enrolment, the medium of instruction and the mediator of academic success. For these reasons, English is not benign, yet it remains largely taken-for-granted in the mainstream university context. This paper problematises the naturalness of English and reports on a study of an Australian Master of Education course in which English was a focus. The study investigated representations of English as they were articulated across a chain of texts including the university strategic plan, course assessment criteria, student assignments, lecturer feedback, and interviews. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Foucault’s work on discourse enabled understandings of how a particular English is formed through an apparatus of specifications, exclusionary thresholds, strategies for maintenance (and disruption), and privileged concepts and speaking positions. The findings indicate that English has hegemonic status within the Australian university, with material consequences for students whose proficiency falls outside the thresholds of accepted English practice. Central to the constitution of what counts as English is the relationship of equivalence between standard written English and successful academic writing. International students’ representations of English indicate a discourse that impacts on identities and practices and preoccupies them considerably as they negotiate language and task demands. For the lecturer, there is strategic manoeuvring within the institutional regulative regime to support students’ English language needs using adapted assessment practices, explicit teaching of academic genres and scaffolded classroom interaction. The paper concludes with the implications for university teaching and learning.

Finnen-Bashing und Bindestrich-Kapitalismus : eine diskursanalytische Untersuchung der öffentlichen Diskussion zur Nokia-Werkschließung in Bochum

Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan matkapuhelinvalmistaja Nokian Bochumin tehtaan sulkemista käsittelevää julkista keskustelua Saksan johtavissa päivälehdissä, FRANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE ZEITUNGissa ja SÜDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNGissa. Työn tarkoitus on ymmärtää, kuinka erilaiset viitekehykset vaikuttavat tapausta käsittelevän julkisen keskustelun rakentumiseen ja kuinka yksittäiset kehykset voivat vaikuttaa ensisijaiseen tapaan tulkita tehtaan sulkemista yhteiskunnallisesti merkittävänä tapahtumana. Tutkielman teoreettis-metodologisena viitekehyksenä hyödynnetään Norman Fairclough’n kriittistä diskurssianalyysia (critical discourse analysis). Analyysi jakautuu kolmeen ulottuvuuteen, keskustelun aihepiirejä hahmottavaan ja kielitieteellisestä tutkimuksesta ammentavaan tekstianalyysiin, media-tekstien tuotantoa ja tekstigenrejä tarkastelevaan diskursiivisten käytäntöjen analyysiin sekä julkisen keskustelun yhteiskunnallista merkitystä tulkitsevaan sosiaalisen kontekstin analyysiin. Varsinaisessa tutkimustyössä hyödynnetään laadullista tekstianalyysia varten kehitettyä ATLAS.ti -tietokoneohjelmaa, joka auttaa aineiston temaattisessa luokittelussa. Aihekokonaisuuksien järjestelmällinen luokittelu helpottaa lukijaa ymmärtämään tutkijan tekemiä tulkintoja ja johtopäätöksiä. Diskurssianalyyttisen tarkastelun perusteella tutkittavan julkisen keskustelun diskursiivisen muodos-telman voidaan katsoa rakentuvan seitsemästä elementistä, diskursseista (1) solidaarisuus tehtaan työntekijöitä kohtaan, (2) yrityksen mielivaltainen toiminta, (3) poliitikkojen uskottavuus, (4) globalisaatiokeskustelu, (5) talousulottuvuus, (6) Suomi-konteksti ja puutteet yrityksen viestinnässä sekä elementistä (7) julkisen keskustelun kerronnallinen rakenne. Julkisen keskustelun yhteiskunnallista merkitystä tarkastellaan kolmen ulottuvuuden kautta, jotka perus-tuvat Faircloughn käsitykseen diskurssin taloudellisista, poliittisista ja kulttuurisista vaikutuksista. Nokia-ulottuvuus arvioi yrityksen imagon ja Suomi-kuvan suhdetta, Saksa-ulottuvuus pohtii demokratian toteu-tumista sekä politiikkaa käsittelevää uutisointia Saksassa ja globalisaatio-ulottuvuus pohtii eurooppalaisen ja globaalin mediajulkisuuden eroja sekä mahdollisuuksia vaikuttaa tai osallistua julkiseen keskusteluun ja toimintaan kansalaisena tai kuluttajana. Suomalaisten toimijoiden niukka osallistuminen Saksassa käytyyn keskusteluun ja toimijoiden yksi-puoliset kommentit saattavat vahvistaa suomalaista liiketoimintaa ja suomalaisuutta koskevia stereo-typioita Saksassa. Julkisen keskustelun pessimistinen luonne saattaa vahvistaa lukijoiden skeptistä suhtautumista poliittiseen toimintaan. Globalisaation monimutkaisten korrelaatiosuhteiden esittäminen voi aiheuttaa ongelmia myös johtaville päivälehdille, jotka joutuvat tasapainottelemaan kansallisen, eurooppalaisen ja globaalin uutisoinnin välillä.

Kuvan ja tekstin välissä : Kuvateksti uutiskuvan ja lehtijutun elementtinä

The study focuses on picture captions: their grammar and interplay with photographs and their position as semi-independent elements of the news stories. The research was conducted in the framework of critical discourse analysis, social semiotic visual theory and fennistic syntactical research. The data consist of 441 press photographs, 1,815 captions and a number of news items from Finnish dailies. The generic structure potential of the caption includes the caption headline, the caption proper, i.e. the verbalization of the picture content, and the frame. In the data, 41 per cent of the captions have a headline, and 44 per cent contain a caption proper. Characteristic of the caption proper is omission of the finite verb and the use of the present tense, both of which have decreased in Finnish papers during the 20th century. The caption proper is typically a main clause, and both subordinate clauses and participal phrases occur mostly in the frame. While comparing caption variants attached to the same pictures, the processes and their participants proved to be identified considerably identically, following the news agency captions. Instead, the reader?s interpretations of a picture could be directed by framing it in different ways. For example, the caption may focus on the only person depicted, deal with a whole group, or give an abstract account of the situation. The caption is a paratext, a typographically marked, semi-independent element of a news story. Between the headline and the caption, four semantic relations have been identified. The caption may be a paraphrase of the headline, or a close-up illustrating an abstract headline with a concrete example. If the name of the person depicted is their only common factor, the relation between the caption and the headline is additive. A specifying caption will give more details than the headline. The caption may complete, repeat, or summarize the body copy. Naturally, most captions completing the story verbalize the content of the picture. As the caption is often based on the story, it may even repeat the body copy verbatim. The summarizing function is probably becoming increasingly important, as most Finnish newspapers have abandoned the use of a separate standfirst.

Patriarkkana ikuisuuden performanssissa : Maskuliinisuuden ja miehen ruumiillisuuden rakentuminen mormonien Duties and Blessings of the Priesthood -opetuskäsikirjassa

The material I analyze for my master's thesis is a teaching manual used by the Mormons (the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints), called "Duties and Blessings of the Priesthood". This work includes numerous lesson plans, each one with a separate topic. The manual is intended especially for teaches, but can also be used for individual study. The main target of my research is to find out how men and their bodies are constructed in the manual. Prescriptive texts together with narrative stories and illustrations create a multifaceted picture of Mormon notions of masculinity and corporeality. I approach my research material from a constructivist perspective. I build my interpretative reading upon Critical Discourse Analysis. I am especially interested in how the manual interprets and understands connections between gender, embodiment and religion. I understand gender in Judith Butler's terms, as a performance of styled and repeated gestures. Some of the discussions I raise in my work draw upon the disciplines of Critical Men's Studies and Sociology of Religion. In Mormonism, gender is thought to be an elementary part of human ontology. It is an eternal trait inherited from God the Father (and God the Mother). The place of men in Mormon cosmology is determined by their double role as patriarchs, fathers and priests. The main objective of mortal life is to gain salvation together with one's family. The personal goal of a Mormon man is to one day become a god. Patriarchs are responsible for the spiritual and material well-being of their family. The head of a household should be gentle and loving, but still an unconditional authority. In the manual, a Mormon man is depicted as a successor of mythical and exemplary men of sacred history. The perfect and sinless body of Jesus Christ serves as an ideal for the male body. Mormon masculinity is also defined by priesthood - the holy power of God - which is given to practically all male Mormons. Through the priesthood, a Mormon man serves as the governor of God on Earth. The Mormon priest has the authority to bind the immanent and the transcendent worlds together with gestures, poses and motions performed with his body. In Mormonism, the body also symbolizes a temple or a space where the sacred meets the profane. Because the priesthood borne by a man is holy, he has to treat his body accordingly. The body is valuable in itself, without it one cannot be saved. Men are forbidden of polluting their bodies by using stimulants or by having sexual relations out of wedlock. A priesthood holder must uphold healthy habits, dress neatly, and conduct himself in a temperate manner. He must also be outgoing and attentive. The manual suggests that a man's goodness or wickedness can be perceived from his external appearance. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints is a hierarchical and man-led organisation. The ideals of gender and corporeality are set by a homogenous priesthood leadership that consists mainly of white heterosexual American men. The larger Mormon community can control individual men by sanctioning. Growing as a Mormon man happens under the guidance of one's reference group.

Looking at the other side: Families, public health and anti-vaccination

The choice to vaccinate or not to vaccinate a child is usually an ‘informed decision’, however, it is how this decision is informed which is of most importance. More frequently, families are turning to the Internet, in particular social media, as a data source to support their decisions. However, much of the online information may be unscientific or biased. While issues such as vaccination will always see dissenting voices, engaging with that ‘other side’ is difficult in the public policy debate which is informed by evidence based science. This chapter investigates the other side in light of the growing adoption and reliance on social media as a source of anti-vaccine information. The study adopts a qualitative approach to data collection and is based on a critical discourse analysis of online social media discourse. The findings demonstrate the valuable contribution this approach can make to public policy work in vaccination.

Näkökulmia eurooppalaiseen sosiaalipolitiikkaan : malli, väestö, resurssit ja kommunikaatio

The study analyses European social policy as a political project that proceeds under the guidance of the European Commission. In the name of modernisation, the project aims to build a new idea for the welfare state. To understand the project, it is necessary to distance oneself from both the juridical competence of the European Union and the traditional national welfare state models. The question is about sharing problems, as well as solutions to them: it is the creation and sharing of common views, concepts and images that play a key role in European integration. Drawing on texts and speeches produced by the European Commission, the study throws light on the development of European social policy during the first years of the 2000s. The study "freeze-frames" the welfare debate having its starting points in the nation states in the name of the entity of Europe. The first article approaches the European social model as a story in itself, a preparatory, persuasive narrative that concerns the management of change. The article shows how the audience can be motivated to work towards a set target by using discursive elements in a persuasive manner: the function of a persuasive story is to convince the target audience of the appropriateness of the chosen direction and to shape their identity so that they are favourably disposed to the desired political targets. This is a kind of "intermediate state" where the story, despite its inner contradictions and inaccuracies, succeeds in appearing as an almost self-evident path towards a modern social policy that Europe is currently seen to be in need of. The second article outlines the European social model as a question of governance. Health as a sector of social policy is detached from the old political order, which was based on the welfare state, and is closely linked to economy. At the same time the population is primarily seen as an economic resource. The Commission is working towards a "Europe of Health" that grapples with the problem of governance with the help of the "healthisation" of society, healthy citizenship and health economics. The way the Commission speaks is guided by the Union's powerful interest to act as "Europe" in the field of welfare policy. At the same time, the traditional separateness of health policy is effaced in order to be able to make health policy reforms a part of the Union's wider modernisation targets. The third article then shows the European social policy as its own area of governance. The article uses an approach based on critical discourse analysis in examining the classification systems and presentation styles adopted by Commission communications, as well as the identities that they help build. In analysing the "new start" of the Lisbon strategy from the perspective of social policy, the article shows how the emphasis has shifted from the persuasive arguments for change with necessary common European targets in the early stages of the strategy towards the implementation of reforms: from a narrative to a vision and from a diagnosis to healing. The phase of global competition represents "the modern" with which European society with its culture and ways of life now has to be matched. The Lisbon strategy is a way to direct this societal change, thus building a modern European social policy. The fourth article describes how the Commission uses its communications policy to build practices and techniques of governance and how it persuades citizens to participate in the creation of a European project of change. This also requires a new kind of agency: agents for whom accountability and responsibilities mean integration into and commitment to European society. Accountability is shaped into a decisive factor in implementing the European Union's strategy of change. As such it will displace hierarchical confrontations and emphasise common action with a view to modernising Europe. However, the Union's discourse cannot be described as being a political language that would genuinely rouse and convince the audience at the level of everyday life. Keywords: European social policy, EU policy, European social model, European Commission, modernisation of welfare, welfare state, communications, discoursiveness.

Aaishah’s choice: Choosing home education in the Muslim community

In Australia, the decision to home educate is becoming increasingly popular (cf. Townsend, 2012). In spite of its increasing popularity, the reasons home education is chosen by Australian families is under-researched (cf. Jackson & Allan, 2010). In addition, the decision to home educate among minority groups, such as Australian Muslim families, is absent from the literature. This paper reports on an interview with one Muslim mother who chose to home educate her children. An in-depth, qualitative interview was conducted with Aaishah (pseudonym), a mother who lived in one of Australia’s most populated cities. Data were analysed using the Discourse Historical Approach to Critical Discourse Analysis. The analysis revealed that there were similarities between the discourses of Christian parents described in the literature, in terms of the reasons Aaishah had given for her decision to home educate. In particular, analysis reveals Aaishah’s fears about schools, their negative experiences on her children and her hopes for her children’s futures.