Balkan Peninsula, 1908 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Die Balkan-Halbinsel in 4 Blättern : Türkei, Rumänien, Griechenland, Serbien, Montenegro, Bulgarien, entworfen von C. Vogel ; bearbeitet von B. Domann ; gestochen von Kern, Kühn u. Weiler. It was published by Justus Perthes in 1908. Scale 1:1,500,000. Covers the Balkan Peninsula. Map in German. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the a modified 'Europe Lambert Conformal Conic' projection with a central meridian of 24 degrees East projection. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, roads, railroads,canals, fortifications, ports, ruins, territorial boundaries, shoreline features, and more. Relief shown by hachures. Depths shown by bathymetry. Includes insets: Constantinopel (Scale 1:150,000) -- Athens und Piraeus (Scale 1:150,000) -- Das Nördliche Rümanien im Anschluss and die Hauptkarte (Scale 1:1,500,000) -- Strasse der Dardanellen (Scale 1:150,000) -- Der Bosporus (Scale 1:150,000). This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection as part of the Open Collections Program at Harvard University project: Islamic Heritage Project. Maps selected for the project represent a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes. The Islamic Heritage Project consists of over 100,000 digitized pages from Harvard's collections of Islamic manuscripts and published materials. Supported by Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal and developed in association with the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Islamic Studies Program at Harvard University.

Ottoman Empire, ca. 1790 (Raster Image)

This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map entitled: Empire de la Porte ottomane en Europe, en Asie et en Afrique avec les pays qui lui sont tributaires, dressé par les Frères Lotter. It was published by Frères Lotter ca. 1790. Scale [ca. 1:9,000,000]. Covers the Ottoman Empire. Map in French. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to a modified 'Europe Lambert Conformal Conic' projection with a central meridian of 38 degrees East projection. All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, index maps, legends, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as drainage, cities and other human settlements, territorial and provincial boundaries, shoreline features, and more. Relief shown pictorially. This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps from the Harvard Map Collection as part of the Open Collections Program at Harvard University project: Islamic Heritage Project. Maps selected for the project represent a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes. The Islamic Heritage Project consists of over 100,000 digitized pages from Harvard's collections of Islamic manuscripts and published materials. Supported by Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal and developed in association with the Prince Alwaleed Bin Talal Islamic Studies Program at Harvard University.

Saray Bosna'da ebniye-yi hayriyenin musavver tarihi

1. Hünkâr Cami-i şerifi.

Die Staaten von Südost=Europa: Rumänien, Serbien, Montenegro, Bulgarien, Kreta, Europ. Türkei, Griechenland

Redigiert v. Dr. K. Peucker ; Rudolph Maschek sculps ; Kartogr. Anst. v. Th. Bannwarth.

Das Kœnigreich Bosnien, und die Herzegovina (Rama) samt den angrœnzenden Provinzen von Croatien, Sclavonien, Temesvar, Servien, Albanien, Ragusa, und den Venetianischen Dalmatien

nach den militœrischen Handkarten des Prinzen Eugen der Grafen Khevenhüller, Marsigli und Pallavicini geographisch aufgetragen, und nach den zuverloessigsten Nachrichten, und Reisebeschreibungen berichtiget im Jahre 1788 von Herrn Maximilian Schimek ; J. Alberti Sculp. ; F. Müller Scrip.

Die Balkan-Halbinsel in 4 Blättern: Türkei, Rumänien, Griechenland, Serbien, Montenegro, Bulgarien

entworfen von C. Vogel ; bearbeitet von B. Domann ; gestochen von Kern, Kühn u. Weiler.

Karte von dem Königreich Serbien

Gestochen von F. Müller.

Illyricvm

Ioan. Sambucus Ortelio suo, S Mitto hanc quòque tabellam qua nesessaria confinia Pannoniæ declarantur, fluviorum et aliquot locorum situs Hirschvogelii recte mutaui, Angelini autem studio plurima adieci, et inualla correxi, vt parum quis si cum Hirschvogelig hæc conjugat desiderarit si qui errores sint, dies certiora docebit.

Neueste Karte der Koenigreiche Bosnien Servien Croatien und Slavonien: samt den angrœnzenden Provinzen Temeswar, Dalmatien, Herzegowina, Ragusa, Steyermark, Kærthen, Krain, Friaul, Gradiska, und Istrien, einem grossen Theil von Ungarn, Siebenbürgen, Walachei, Bulgarien, Albanien, Macedonien, und einem Stück des Kirchenstaats und K.reichs Neapel

nach den besten Originalzeichnungen Charten und Beschriebungen entworfen von Herrn Carl Schütz ; gestochen von C. Schütz und F. Müller.

Le Royaume de Bosnie, dans son entier, dédié a son Excellence Monseignr. le feld Maréchal Comte de Khewenhüller Colonel d'un Régiment de Dragon Vice Roy d'Esclavonie, du Duché de Syrmie et Gouverneur de la Forteresse d'Essegg etc

le très humble et très obéissant serviteur Étienne Briffaut.

The Theory of Interhybridity: Socio-political Dimensions and Migration Experiences of Post-communist Western Balkan States

The Western Balkans integration within the EU has started a legal process which is the rejection of former communist legal/political approaches and the transformation of former communist institutions. Indeed, the EU agenda has brought vertical/horizontal integration and Europeanization of national institutions (i.e. shifting power to the EU institutions and international authorities). At this point, it is very crucial to emphasize the fact that the Western Balkans as a whole region has currently an image that includes characteristics of both the Soviet socialism and the European democracy. The EU foreign policies and enlargement strategy for Western Balkans have significant effects on four core factors (i.e. Schengen visa regulations, remittances, asylum and migration as an aggregate process). The convergence/divergence of EU member states’ priorities for migration policies regulate and even shape directly the migration dynamics in migrant sender countries. From this standpoint, the research explores how main migration factors are influenced by political and judicial factors such as; rule of law and democracy score, the economic liberation score, political and human rights, civil society score and citizenship rights in Western Balkan countries. The proposal of interhybridity explores how the hybridization of state and non-state actors within home and host countries can solve labor migration-related problems. The economical and sociopolitical labor-migration model of Basu (2009) is overlapping with the multidimensional empirical framework of interhybridity. Indisputably, hybrid model (i.e. collaboration state and non-state actors) has a catalyst role in terms of balancing social problems and civil society needs. Paradigmatically, it is better to perceive the hybrid model as a combination of communicative and strategic action that means the reciprocal recognition within the model is precondition for significant functionality. This will shape social and industrial relations with moral meanings of communication.

Russia in Serbia – soft power and hard interests. OSW COMMENTARY No. 150, 2014-10-29

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Serbia on 16 October has demonstrated Moscow’s willingness to secure its interests in the Balkans and use Belgrade in its confrontation with the West. It seems, however, that Russia does not have much to offer to Serbia’s authorities, which are reluctant to make more concessions towards Russia. However, Moscow has already gained a strong position in Serbia, which is due to the country’s dependence on Russian natural resources and, in particular, strong support for Russian policy on the part of Serbian elites and society. The traditional pro-Russian attitudes have been strengthened as a result of a series of Russia-inspired, wide-ranging soft power initiatives which have proved so successful that a large part of society has begun to believe that Russia’s interests are consistent with Serbia’s. Russia’s increasingly active policy towards Serbia and the Serbian minorities in the neighbouring countries – Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Kosovo – has been part of a larger plan aimed at hampering the integration of the Balkan states with the Euro-Atlantic structures and maintaining an area of instability and frozen conflicts in the EU’s near neighbourhood. Russia’s policy is also becoming increasingly effective due to the EU states’ diminishing support for Balkan countries’ European integration.

The ICC Debate and the EU-U.S. Struggle for Influence: The Case of the Balkan-6. ACES Working Paper No. 11, October 2007

The objectives of the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) for the countries of the Balkan region are generally assumed to be complementary. They both stress and condition their support and assistance on the progress that these countries make with regards to economic modernization, build-up of social institutions, and respect for international law. However, this rhetoric doesn't always match the facts on the ground. Often, instead of dealing with a cohesive set of policy recommendations, the countries in the region are faced with contradictory alternatives and zero-sum choices. The debate over the development of the International Criminal Court (ICC) was such a case. It centered on whether the countries in the region should exempt US personnel from the jurisdiction of the Court while in the country and thus rendering them immune from prosecution for any crimes committed for which the US courts were not willing or able to take any action. The final outcome was mixed. Three of the countries - Croatia, Serbia (and Montenegro), and Slovenia - decided not to give in to US pressure, while the remaining three - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Macedonia - ignored the pleas and threats of the EU and of the various international non-governmental organizations and decided to sign Bilateral Immunity Agreements (BIAs) with the US. How can one explain such divergent outcomes? I argue that the credibility of actors involved played an important role in determining whether threats coming from the US or the EU were more credible, thus tipping the scales in favor of signing BIAs with the US. However, the issue of threat credibility serves only to narrow down the choices of actors. Further determination of the outcome necessitates a look at the nature of the security context in which these countries exist and operate.

PALESTINIAN REFUGEES-HOW CAN A DURABLE SOLUTION BE ACHIEVED? CEPS Middle East Working Paper No. 6, July 2003

From the Introduction. The refugee question is at the core of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. Palestinians were first displaced as a direct consequence of the 1948 war and its aftermath. Twenty years later, another wave of Palestinian refugees was created as a consequence of the war during which Israel occupied the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The purpose of the present paper is to: • deliver a critical analysis of past approaches to deal with the refugee issue in the various attempts to resolve the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians; • discuss lessons to be learned from the settlement and its implementation mechanisms in Bosnia and Herzegovina; and • propose a direction for a long-term strategy for the international community that avoids past pitfalls and could ultimately lead both parties to an agreement.

European Foreign and Security Policy since the Lisbon Treaty – From Common to single? ZEI Discussion Paper C226, 2014

Since the Lisbon Treaty, all organizational conditions have been created for the systematic use of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Military and civil structures, especially the operational headquarters and associated common structures like transport command, have been established. Until now there has been limited activity in crisis resolution, outside of Bosnia and Macedonia, and therefore little has been done in replacement of NATO. It is therefore difficult to assess the development of the common policy on conflict prevention and crisis management and it has been shown that in all cases NATO should come into play as planned from the outset.