915 resultados para Authoritarian legislation
Social security planning in the Caribbean: contributory provident fund scheme with draft legislation
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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS
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OBJETIVOS: O International Narcotics Control Board publicou em 2005 sua pesquisa anual que demonstrou que a população brasileira são um dos maiores consumidores de anorexígenos. No Brasil, a Agência Nacional de Vigilância Sanitária publicou a resolução RDC 58/2007 com o objetivo de controlar a prescrição e comercialização deste tipo de medicamento. Em Belém, a maior cidade da Amazônia brasileira, esta resolução entrou em vigor em 2008, levando à inspeções em drogarias e farmácias. Este trabalho propõe avaliar o consumo de psicotrópicos anorexígenos e o impacto da RDC 58/2007 na prescrição e dispensação de anorexígenos nas drogarias e farmácias magistrais de Belém. METODOLOGIA: foi realizado um estudo retrospectivo, quantitativo e descritivo, com dados coletados do Departamento de Vigilância Sanitária de Belém, de 2005 a 2008. Os dados foram considerados quando p < 0,05. RESULTADOS: Um total de 1.641 balanços foram analisados oriundos de drogarias e farmácias magistrais. Anfepramona foi o medicamento mais dispensado, seguido do femproporex e manzidol. O maior consumo de anorexígenos ocorreu nas farmácias magistrais. Em 2008, houve uma redução significativa na dispensação de anorexígenos, tanto em drogarias quanto em farmácias magistrais. CONCLUSÕES: Este estudo demonstrou que houve uma diminuição na dispensação de anorexígenos após a entrada em vigor da RDC 58/2007, e as farmácias magistrais foram responsáveis por um elevado número na dispensação destes medicamentos. Esta resolução é um marco divisor no controle sanitário, para enorme benefício da saúde pública, contribuindo substancialmente para o uso racional de medicamentos no Brasil.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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This paper addresses the creation of pension funds for federal civil servants in Brazil, analyzing the existing legislation and regulation on this issue. To this end, it takes off based on the genesis of the Brazilian private pension plans, logging the emergence of private funds as well as the existence of various laws and constitutional amendments prior to Law 12.618/2012, which provided for the pension funds system for Brazilian federal public servants. It also identifies proponents and opponents to the Foundation for Pension Funds of Federal Civil Servants (FUNPRESP), signaling the discursive construction of the pension fund schemes as central character in contemporary welfare capitalism. Finally, presents controversial aspects of the new pension fund law developments in Brazil.
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The principal aim of this study is to examine attitudes and values, through questionnaires, among students and teachers in the last grade of primary school (grade 8) regarding issues related to authoritarianism, democracy, human rights, children rights, conflict resolution and legislation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A second aim is to explore and analyze the role of the international community in the democratization and education processes in the light of globalization in this country through secondary sources of data, site visits and observations. Analysis of the student sample reveals suspicion towards democracy, especially when democracy was associated with politics and politicians. When the issue of democracy was de-contextualized from Bosnia and Herzegovina realities in the questionnaire, students showed more positive attitudes towards it. Students generally agreed with very strong authoritarian statements. High achieving students were more democratic, more socially responsible, more tolerant regarding attitudes towards religion, race and disabilities, and less authoritarian compared to low achievers. High achievers felt that they had influence over daily events, and were positive towards social and civil engagement. High achievers viewed politics negatively, but had high scores on the democracy scale. High achievers also agreed to a larger extent that it is acceptable to break the law. The more authoritarian students were somewhat more prone to respond that it is not acceptable to break the law. The major findings from the teacher sample show that teachers who agreed with non-peaceful mediation, and had a non-forgiving and rigid approach to interpersonal conflicts, also agreed with strong authoritarian statements and were less democratic. In general, teachers valued students who behave respectfully, have a good upbringing and are obedient. They were very concerned about the general status of education in society, which they felt was becoming marginalized. Teachers were not happy with the overloaded curricula and they showed an interest in more knowledge and skills to help children with traumatic war experiences. When asked about positive reforms, teachers were highly critical of, and dissatisfied with, the educational situation. Bosnia and Herzegovina is undergoing a transition from a state-planned economy and one party system to a market economy and a multi party system. During this transition, the country has become more involved in the globalization process than ever. Today the country is a semi-protectorate where international authorities intervene when necessary. The International community is attempting to introduce western democracy and some of the many complexities in this process are discussed in this study. Globalization processes imply contradictory demands and pressures on the education system. On one hand, economic liberalization has affected education policies —a closer alignment between education and economic competitiveness. On the other hand, there is a political and ideological globalization process underlying the importance of human rights, and the inclusiveness of education for all children. Students and teachers are caught between two opposing ideals — competition and cooperation.
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Participation appeared in development discourses for the first time in the 1970s, as a generic call for the involvement of the poor in development initiatives. Over the last three decades, the initial perspectives on participation intended as a project method for poverty reduction have evolved into a coherent and articulated theoretical elaboration, in which participation figures among the paraphernalia of good governance promotion: participation has acquired the status of “new orthodoxy”. Nevertheless, the experience of the implementation of participatory approaches in development projects seemed to be in the majority of cases rather disappointing, since the transformative potential of ‘participation in development’ depends on a series of factors in which every project can actually differ from others: the ultimate aim of the approach promoted, its forms and contents and, last but not least, the socio-political context in which the participatory initiative is embedded. In Egypt, the signature of a project agreement between the Arab Republic of Egypt and the Federal Republic of Germany, in 1998, inaugurated a Participatory Urban Management Programme (PUMP) to be implemented in Greater Cairo by the German Technical Cooperation (Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit, GTZ) and the Ministry of Planning (now Ministry of Local Development) and the Governorates of Giza and Cairo as the main counterparts. Now, ten years after the beginning of the PUMP/PDP and close to its end (December 2010), it is possible to draw some conclusions about the scope, the significance and the effects of the participatory approach adopted by GTZ and appropriated by the Egyptian counterparts in dealing with the issue of informal areas and, more generally, of urban development. Our analysis follows three sets of questions: the first set regards the way ‘participation’ has been interpreted and concretised by PUMP and PDP. The second is about the emancipating potential of the ‘participatory approach’ and its ability to ‘empower’ the ‘marginalised’. The third focuses on one hand on the efficacy of GTZ strategy to lead to an improvement of the delivery service in informal areas (especially in terms of planning and policies), and on the other hand on the potential of GTZ development intervention to trigger an incremental process of ‘democratisation’ from below.
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The research explores the mechanisms in the formation and consolidation of a new regime which combines democratic and authoritarian features; it has emerged as result of democratization processes affecting different world areas in recent years. The study analyses a case of great international significance, post-communist Russia: here internal factors strongly prevail in front of the external variables of democratic imitation and contagion, thus showing to what extent Russia differs from other political contexts. The study intends to examine the strategies used by this regime to solve internal conflicts and become stable in spite of the democratizing pressures coming from outside. Indeed, the literature about political transformations has shown the problems in analyzing these polities together with the need to examine their peculiarities more in depth. In this perspective, the first section focuses on the dynamics of State-building in Russia as a fundamental process in tracing the specific characteristics of the current regime: particularly, it is suggested that the State dimension comes out as crucial in determining the level of political and social pluralism accepted in post-Soviet Russia. This argument is worked out in the second section, which analyses the main mechanisms used by the incumbents to limit and control pluralism within the two arenas of political competition and civil society, from where the major threats to the status quo are supposed to come. The main hypothesis is that the leadership interventions in these spheres during the last ten years have shaped a regime which can be characterized as a new type of authoritarianism: with respect to traditional authoritarian forms a certain degree of political contestation is accepted, visible in the presence of a multiparty system, semi-competitive elections and of the several representatives of civil society. Yet, this diversity is curbed basically in two different ways: from one hand the incumbents provide support to political and social actors who sponsor government politics (see the party of power and pro-Kremlin movements). From the other they use some non coercive forms of control and restriction (in legislation, in political elections) against those actors who promote values and priorities opposed to the official ones.
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The transformation of legislative processes in the Information society: from eLegislation to eParliament This research analyzes, by means of an interdisciplinary and comparative approach, the transformation of legislative processes produced by the introduction of new ICT technologies. The use of ICT in support of parliamentary activities is concerned with efficiency of parliamentary process and aims at more transparent procedures, improved access to documents, social participation and cooperation among institutions. With ICT Parliaments are now able to improve their efficiency and optimize their business; they can advance the dialogue with their citizen both, through the real access and the effective availability of information and, through new way of participation in the democratic process. Finally, sharing information, know-out, best practices and other records, Parliaments will be able to develop new information and knowledge and to strengthen the role and power of Institutions. Only through a global vision of the full process, re-thinking and develop rules and uniform standard and so implementing the new opportunities carrying out by ICT, it will be possible to put in practice concrete eParliament results. The Research goals are at least three: 1. To Analysed the legislative process and the ICT opportunities to understand the impact of the latter on the former. In particular to check up the problems that ICT can raise in relation of the constitutional principles ensuring the process itself. 2. To realized an abstract model representing the legislative process regardless of the form of government, chambers composition, legal system, etc. 3. To suggest standard, structural, linguistic and ontological, able to implement the new opportunities of sharing, cooperation and reuse among the many and various stakeholders of the democratic/legislative view.
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This dissertation has two main purposes. On the one hand, it aims at comparing the gender stereotypes presented in the television commercials in China and in Europe. Considering the cultural, historical and socio-economical differences between these two contexts, it is interesting to examine the gender role models offered and used by the advertising industry in European Union and China in order to see if the gender stereotypes are similar and to evaluate to which extent they reflect, challenge or reinforce the gender roles of the society where they are broadcasted. On the other hand, the objective of this dissertation is to establish the degree of adequateness and effectiveness of the existing regulatory framework through an analysis of the positive and negative aspects of the regulatory acts issued to safeguard a fair representation of genders in the EU Member States and in China.