813 resultados para zone-based policy


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Congreso internacional celebrado en Praga sobre modelos numéricos de fractura en el campo de la ciencia de materiales y estructuras.

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Steel is, together with concrete, the most widely used material in civil engineering works. Not only its high strength, but also its ductility is of special interest, since it allows for more energy to be stored before failure. A better understanding of the material behaviour before failure may lead to better structural safety strategies.

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Homophobia continues to exist in society. Homonegative attitudes are often implicit and can be acquired without direct training, which makes them particularly resistant to change. Relational Frame Theory (RFT) is a behavior analytic account of learning processes and can explain these processes of indirect learning. RFT also suggests therapeutic processes for dismantling stigma using a therapy model named Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (ACT). This paper reviews previous research on traditional multicultural training, and addresses its shortcomings. Specifically, this paper makes the argument that traditional models encourage experiential avoidance and thus further perpetuate the processes that maintain stigma. While a handful of studies have examined stigma interventions using ACT, no ACT studies have been completed specifically on the stigma towards gay and lesbian individuals. This paper concludes with a research proposal for such a study.

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Introduction. Iceland’s domestic politics and foreign affairs are undergoing drastic changes. After an economic crash, violent protests on the streets of Reykjavik for the first time in Iceland’s history contributed to the defeat of the government. The party system has been altered. A turn has been taken towards Europe after the United States left the island, first by closing its military base in 2006 and then by its clear stance not to assist the country in its economic difficulties. The former close relations with the superpower are unlikely ever to be restored. The EU membership application is placing severe constraints on political parties which are split on the issue and has put in jeopardy the unity of the first left majority in the Icelandic parliament, the Althingi. Society is in a state of flux after an unprecedented economic downscaling and the collapse of almost its entire financial sector – which had boomed rapidly beginning in the mid-1990s. The credibility of politicians, the parliament and the media is in ruins. Iceland’s smallness and its location on the geographical map – one could also say the geopolitical map – has had a profound influence on its domestic and foreign affairs. Iceland is closely associated with the other Nordic states and has adopted many of their domestic characteristics, with important exceptions. On the other hand, the country has come under American influence – geographically, it straddles the Mid-Atlantic rift – and has limited its participation in the European project. Its geographical location in the middle of the North Atlantic has led to a notion that the country’s culture is unique and should be protected by all available means. Politicians continue to play the ‘nationalistic uniqueness’ card with considerable success even though the country has been swept by globalization. Rapid modernization (which only really began in the Second World War with British and American occupations) and sudden engagement with the outside world (which only extended to the general public in the last quarter of the twentieth century) are still slowly but steadily making their mark on the country’s foreign policy. The country’s political discourse and foreign policy still bear the hallmark of the past, i.e. of a small and insular society This paper will address the political developments in Iceland since the 2008 economic crash and place it in a historical context. The aim is to understand Iceland’s present foreign policy and, in particular, the highly contested decision by its government in 2009 to apply for membership of the European Union. The paper is divided into five sections in addition to this introduction and the concluding remarks. First, it starts by explaining the importance in Iceland of a political discourse based on the concept of independence which dates back to the historical narrative of the settlement period. This section will also examine Iceland’s close relations with the other Nordic states – despite important differences between it and the others. Second, the paper will analyse the importance of the party system, i.e. the dominance of the centre-right in Icelandic politics, and the changed nature of the system. Third, it examines how Iceland further distinguishes itself from the other Nordic states in many important features. Fourthly, the paper analyses the country’s three main foreign policy priorities in the post-war period, i.e. extensions of the Exclusive Economic Zone, firm defence arrangements with the US and membership of NATO, and the drive for better market access for marine products – including a partial engagement in the European project. Fifthly, the paper examines how the country’s smallness, in terms of its central administrative capacity, has affected its domestic and foreign policy-making. The concluding section summarizes the main findings concerning the political and historical obstacles that the Social Democratic Alliance faces in its hard-fought battle to change the country’s European Policy.

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Following a seminar on the CAP post- 2013 held by Egmont - with the cooperation of the Polish Presidency - on the 25th of November 2011, Egmont commissioned the present policy brief. Three major policy issues were addressed at this occasion, namely; how to make the CAP more equitable, green and market-oriented? The trade-off between these policy issues will require policy choices that are worthy of analysis.

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When they look at Internet policy, EU policymakers seem mesmerised, if not bewitched, by the word ‘neutrality’. Originally confined to the infrastructure layer, today the neutrality rhetoric is being expanded to multi-sided platforms such as search engines and more generally online intermediaries. Policies for search neutrality and platform neutrality are invoked to pursue a variety of policy objectives, encompassing competition, consumer protection, privacy and media pluralism. This paper analyses this emerging debate and comes to a number of conclusions. First, mandating net neutrality at the infrastructure layer might have some merit, but it certainly would not make the Internet neutral. Second, since most of the objectives initially associated with network neutrality cannot be realistically achieved by such a rule, the case for network neutrality legislation would have to stand on different grounds. Third, the fact that the Internet is not neutral is mostly a good thing for end users, who benefit from intermediaries that provide them with a selection of the over-abundant information available on the Web. Fourth, search neutrality and platform neutrality are fundamentally flawed principles that contradict the economics of the Internet. Fifth, neutrality is a very poor and ineffective recipe for media pluralism, and as such should not be invoked as the basis of future media policy. All these conclusions have important consequences for the debate on the future EU policy for the Digital Single Market.

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Final report; contract DOT-OS-70063.

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"OTA-CIT-147"--P. 4 of cover.

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A methodological framework for conducting a systematic, mostly qualitative, meta-synthesis of community-based rehabilitation (CBR) project evaluation reports is described. Developed in the course of an international pilot study, the framework proposes a systematic review process in phases which are strongly collaborative, methodologically rigorous and detailed. Through this suggested process, valuable descriptive data about CBR practice, strategies and outcomes may be synthesized. It is anticipated that future application of this methodology will contribute to an improved evidence base for CBR, which will facilitate the development of more appropriate policy and practice guidelines for disability service delivery in developing countries. The methodology will also have potential applications in areas beyond CBR, which are similarly. evidence poor' (lacking empirical research) but 'data rich' (with plentiful descriptive and evaluative reports).

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While developments in distributed object computing environments, such as the Common Object Request Broker Architecture (CORBA) [17] and the Telecommunication Intelligent Network Architecture (TINA) [16], have enabled interoperability between domains in large open distributed systems, managing the resources within such systems has become an increasingly complex task. This challenge has been considered for several years within the distributed systems management research community and policy-based management has recently emerged as a promising solution. Large evolving enterprises present a significant challenge for policy-based management partly due to the requirement to support both mutual transparency and individual autonomy between domains [2], but also because the fluidity and complexity of interactions occurring within such environments requires an ability to cope with the coexistence of multiple, potentially inconsistent policies. This paper discusses the need of providing both dynamic (run-time) and static (compile-time) conflict detection and resolution for policies in such systems and builds on our earlier conflict detection work [7, 8] to introduce the methods for conflict resolution in large open distributed systems.