224 resultados para takeover deterrent


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Anti-herbivory defenses support persistence of seaweeds. Little is known, however, about temporal dynamics in the induction of grazer-deterrent seaweed traits. In two induction experiments, consumption rates of the periwinkle Littorina obtusata (L.) on the brown seaweed Ascophyllum nodosum (L.) Le Jolis were measured in 3-d intervals. Changes in palatability of directly grazed A. nodosum were tested every 3 d with feeding assays using fresh and reconstituted seaweed pieces. Likewise, assays with fresh A. nodosum assessed changes in seaweed palatability in response to water-borne cues from nearby grazed conspecifics. Consumption rates of L. obtusata varied significantly during the 27-d induction phase of each experiment. Direct grazing by L. obtusata lowered palatability of fresh and reconstituted A. nodosum pieces to conspecific grazers after 15 d as well as after 6 and 12 d, respectively. After 12, 18, and 24 d, fresh A. nodosum located downstream of L. obtusata-grazed conspecifics was significantly less palatable than A. nodosum located downstream of ungrazed conspecifics. Changes in L. obtusata consumption rates and A. nodosum palatability during both induction experiments suggest temporal variation of grazer-deterrent responses, which may complicate experimental detection of inducible anti-herbivory defenses.

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Pesticide applications are still one of the most common control methods against the main olive grove pests and diseases: the olive fruit fly, Bactrocera oleae (Rossi), the olive moth, Prays oleae (Bernard), the black scale, Saissetia oleae (Olivier), and the olive leaf spot, caused by the fungus Spilocaea oleagina Fries. However, and because the new pesticide legislation is aimed at an integrated pest and disease management, it is still important to evaluate and to know the ecotoxicology of pesticides on the natural enemies of the different agrosystems. A part of this work has been focusses on evaluating the direct and indirect effects of kaolin particle films and two copper-based products (Bordeaux mixture and copper oxychloride) through different laboratory, extended laboratory and semi-field experiments. Two natural enemies have been chosen: Psyttalia concolor (Szèpligeti), a parasitoid of the olive fruit fly, and Chilocorus nigritus (F.), predator of Diaspididae. This predator has been used instead of C. bipustulatus (L.), which is the species found in olive orchards. Kaolin mainly acts as a repellent of insects and/or as an oviposition deterrent. It is used in olive groves to control the olive fruit fly and the olive moth. Copper is applied against fungal and bacterial diseases. In olive groves it is used against the olive leaf spot and other diseases. No statistical differences were found in any of the experiments performed, compared to the controls, except when the oral toxicity of the products was evaluated on P. concolor females. In this case, kaolin and copper oxychloride caused a higher mortality 72 hours after the treatments, and both kaolin and the two copper formulations decreased females’ life span. Reproductive parameters were only negatively affected when kaolin was ingested. Apart from these experiments, due to the uncommon mode of action of kaolin, two extra experiments were carried out: a dual choice and a no-choice experiment. In this case, both P. concolor females and C. nigritus adults showed a clear preference for the untreated surfaces when they had the possibility of choosing between a treated surface and an untreated one. When there was no choice, no statistical differences were found between the treatments and the controls. Furthermore, the efficacy and the selectivity of three insect growth regulators (methoxyfenozide, tebufenozide and RH-5849) on B. oleae and P. concolor, respectively, have also been evaluated. In addition to laboratory experiments to evaluate the toxicity of the insecticides, also molecular approaches were used. RNA of both insects was isolated. cDNA was subsequently synthesized and the complete sequences of the ligand biding domain (LBD) of the ecdysone receptor of each insect were then determined. Afterwards the three dimensional structures of both LBDs were constructed. Finally, the docking of the insecticide molecules in the cavity delineated by the 12 α-helix that composed the LBD was performed. Both toxicity assays and molecular docking approaches showed that either methoxyfenozide or tebufenozide had no negative effects nor on B. oleae nor on P. concolor. In contrast, RH-5849 had no deleterious effect to the parasitoid but decreased olive fruit fly adults’ life span, especially when they were in contact with the fresh residue of the insecticide applied on a glass surface. The docking study of RH-5849 molecule has shown a very light hindrance with the wall of the LBD pocket. This means that this molecule could more or less adjust in the cavity. Thus, searching of new insecticides for controlling the olive fruit fly could be based on the basic lead structure of RH-5849 molecule.

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As várias teorias acerca da estrutura de capital despertam interesse motivando diversos estudos sobre o assunto sem, no entanto, ter um consenso. Outro tema aparentemente pouco explorado refere-se ao ciclo de vida das empresas e como ele pode influenciar a estrutura de capital. Este estudo teve como objetivo verificar quais determinantes possuem maior relevância no endividamento das empresas e se estes determinantes alteram-se dependendo do ciclo de vida da empresa apoiada pelas teorias Trade Off, Pecking Order e Teoria da Agência. Para alcançar o objetivo deste trabalho foi utilizado análise em painel de efeito fixo sendo a amostra composta por empresas brasileiras de capital aberto, com dados secundários disponíveis na Economática® no período de 2005 a 2013, utilizando-se os setores da BM&FBOVESPA. Como resultado principal destaca-se o mesmo comportamento entre a amostra geral, alto e baixo crescimento pelo endividamento contábil para o determinante Lucratividade apresentando uma relação negativa, e para os determinantes Oportunidade de Crescimento e Tamanho, estes com uma relação positiva. Para os grupos de alto e baixo crescimento alguns determinantes apresentaram resultados diferentes, como a singularidade que resultou significância nestes dois grupos, sendo positiva no baixo crescimento e negativa no alto crescimento, para o valor colateral dos ativos e benefício fiscal não dívida apresentaram significância apenas no grupo de baixo crescimento. Para o endividamento a valor de mercado foi observado significância para o Benefício fiscal não dívida e Singularidade. Este resultado reforça o argumento de que o ciclo de vida influência a estrutura de capital.

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Female fireflies of the genus Photuris, the so-called firefly “femmes fatales,” prey on male fireflies of the genus Photinus. The females are able to entrap the males by faking the flash signal characteristics of the Photinus female. We found that by feeding on Photinus males, Photuris females gain more than nutrients. They also acquire defensive steroidal pyrones called lucibufagins, which are contained in Photinus but which Photuris fireflies are unable to produce on their own. Photuris females that eat Photinus males or lucibufagin are rejected by Phidippus jumping spiders. Lucibufagin itself proved to be a deterrent to such spiders. Field-collected Photuris females contain lucibufagin in varying amounts. The more lucibufagin they contain the more unacceptable they are to Phidippus.

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A complexidade de desenvolver novas tecnologias para aplicações em reconstituição óssea se deve à necessidade de combinar várias propriedades químicas e físicas para que o material proporcione o desempenho almejado. Particularmente, em aplicações que visam osteogênese, os enxertos sintéticos devem ser bioativos, possuir porosidade com volume, geometria e interconectividade de poros controlados, além de ter boas propriedades mecânicas, dentro de limites relativamente rígidos. Por essa razão, o recobrimento de materiais bioinertes com cerâmicas bioativas se tornou o foco da presente pesquisa. O objetivo desse estudo foi desenvolver um novo método de produção de enxertos cerâmicos com macroporosidade funcionalizada, onde a formação e o revestimento dos poros são realizados em uma única etapa. Foi realizado o estudo de recobrimento com vidro bioativo e fosfato de cálcio. Para isso, agentes porogênicos na forma de grânulos (de 600 μm a 2 mm de diâmetro) foram sintetizados pelo método da gelificação de uma solução aquosa de alginato de sódio gotejada em solução de nitrato de cálcio (0,5 M), com incorporação de outros elementos para a formação de biovidro ou fosfato de cálcio. Esses grânulos foram conglomerados a um vidro ou alumina em pó, formando um compósito, que foi tratado termicamente para sinterização e formação de poros. No caso da matriz vítrea, a sinterização ocorreu com cristalização simultânea e concorrente. As cerâmicas resultantes foram caracterizadas por microscopia óptica e eletrônica de varredura, sendo possível observar a formação de macroporos aproximadamente esféricos (de 600 μm a 2 mm de diâmetro) revestidos internamente por uma camada de material com possível composição bioativa.

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North Korea's regime has one goal, to guarantee its survival. To accomplish that goal it desired the U.S. to maintain a strong presence on the Korean Peninsula to act as an international deterrent against possible foreign occupation of its nation. The DPRK encouraged the U.S. by signing the 1994 Agreed Framework, a formal commitment between the two countries that froze North Korea's nuclear programs in exchange for U.S. energy aid. In 2002 the Bush Administration did not honour its commitment and blamed North Korea for the Agreed Framework's collapse. North Korea retaliated by choosing to become a nuclear nation, an action guaranteed to insure a constant U.S. presence on the Korean Peninsula.

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Norway is currently the only Western European state and ‘old’ NATO member that strongly relies on the traditional dimension of NATO's collective defence. It is also the only ally in Western Europe which perceives Russia as a threat to its military security, in the so-called High North. In order to successfully deal with the potential challenges and threats in the region, Norway has been pursuing a defence policy based on cooperation and deterrence. Cooperation means improving collaboration with Russia in cross-border relations, in the petroleum sector and in the military sphere. The deterrent measures include maintaining NATO’s credibility as a collective defence alliance; increasing military cooperation with the United States; building up Norway’s own military capabilities; and developing military cooperation across Northern Europe. The primary objective of Oslo’s defence policy is to minimise the likelihood of crises and conflicts emerging in the High North which could prove too ‘big’ for Norway but too ‘small’ for NATO.

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Belarus holds a special position in Russian policy due to its geopolitical, military and transit significance. Russia's influence and position in the entire Eastern European region largely depend on how strong Russian influence in Belarus is. The process of Russian-Belarusian integration began in 1994, when Alyaksandr Lukashenka came to power in Minsk. At the time, Russia's policy towards Belarus was based on twomain assumptions. Firstly, the Kremlin supported Lukashenka's authoritarian regime. This allowed Russia to keep Belarus within its orbit of political influence and prevent other states from getting involved, since an undemocratic Belarus could not count on closer contacts with the West. Secondly, Russia heavily subsidised Belarus with cheap energy resources (way below the market price) and allowed the duty-free access of Belarusian goods to its market. Thus Belarus became a kind of 'sponsored authoritarianism' with a specific economic model, owing its existence to Russia's economic and political support. At the same time, Moscow's key objective in its policy towards Belarus was to make Minsk accept the Russian conditions concerning integration, which would in fact lead to Belarus' incorporation by the Russian Federation. However, Belarus managed to maintain its sovereignty, while Alyaksandr Lukashenka bandied the term 'integration' about in order to maintain the preferential model of his state's relations with Russia. Russia's intention to alter the nature of these bilateral relations became evident when Vladimir Putin took power in 2000. However, Moscow faced Minsk's refusal to accept the Russian integration plan (which, among other measures, provided for the takeover of Belarusian economic assets by Russian companies). This forced Russia to use its main tool against Minsk: the supplies of cheap gas and oil that had been sustaining Belarus' archaic economy. The most serious crisis in Russian-Belarusian relations broke out at the beginning of 2007, following Moscow's decision to raise the energy resource prices. This decision marked the beginning of the application of market principles to settlements between Moscow and Minsk. The key question this study is meant to answer concerns the consequences of the aforementioned decision by Russia for future Russian-Belarusian relations. Are they at a turning point? What are Russia's policy objectives? What results can come from the process of moving mutual relations onto an economic footing? What policy will replace Russia's 'sponsoring of Belarusian authoritarianism', which it has been implementing since 1994? Finally, what further measures will Russia undertake towards Belarus? The current study consists of five chapters. The first chapter offers a brief presentation of Belarus' significance and position in Russian policy. The second analyses the development of Russian-Belarusian political relations, first of all the establishment of the Union State, Belarus' position in Russian domestic policy and Russia's influence on Belarusian policy. The third chapter presents bilateral economic relations, primarily energy issues. The fourth chapter describes the state and perspectives of military cooperation between the two states. The fifth chapter presents conclusions, where the author attempts to define the essence of the ongoing re-evaluation in Russian-Belarusian relations and to project their future model.

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This paper concerns itself with the recent phenomenon of West Africans leaving the African continent and seeking work in Spain. By the year 2003, a barely noticeable blip on the screen of the age-old phenomenon that is migration became a conspicuous trend. Depending on one's perspective this trend is either a natural flow of people from one region to another, or it is an alarming turn of events that needs immediate global attention. However, when it involves significant loss of life - as does the sea journey of the poorest aspirants - surely all who ponder the migrant question would agree that this qualifies as a crisis. The next question becomes, then, is it best to focus on minimizing the risks or to focus on deterring the would-be migrants at the onset of their journey? This question and its possible answer are further nuanced by whether those determined to leave receive incentives for choosing to stay at home or whether government officials and others who respond to the crisis in both sending and receiving countries practice a forceful type of deterrent that merely halts the process of migration but does not tackle the issue of why the person chose to leave in the first place.

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This paper addresses the current discussion on links between party politics and production regimes. Why do German Social Democrats opt for more corporate governance liberalization than the CDU although, in terms of the distributional outcomes of such reforms, one would expect the situation to be reversed? I divide my analysis into three stages. First, I use the European Parliament’s crucial vote on the European takeover directive in July 2001 as a test case to show that the left-right dimension does indeed matter in corporate governance reform, beside cross-class and cross-party nation-based interests. In a second step, by analyzing the party positions in the main German corporate governance reforms in the 1990s, I show that the SPD and the CDU behave “paradoxically” in the sense that the SPD favored more corporate governance liberalization than the CDU, which protected the institutions of “Rhenish,” “organized” capitalism. This constellation occurred in the discussions on company disclosure, management accountability, the power of banks, network dissolution, and takeover regulation. Third, I offer two explanations for this paradoxical party behavior. The first explanation concerns the historical conversion of ideas. I show that trade unions and Social Democrats favored a high degree of capital organization in the Weimar Republic, but this ideological position was driven in new directions at two watersheds: one in the late 1940s, the other in the late 1950s. My second explanation lies in the importance of conflicts over managerial control, in which both employees and minority shareholders oppose managers, and in which increased shareholder power strengthens the position of works councils.

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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.

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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.

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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.

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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.

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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.