918 resultados para refugees legal status


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Este trabajo analiza el papel de los inmigrantes en el régimen municipal en la campaña bonaerense. Se indaga la relación entre los extranjeros y un poder local marcado por la dinámica de los avances fronterizos y la construcción de nuevos espacios económicos y sociales. Analizaremos los inicios del régimen en la década de 1850, la posición legal que los extranjeros habrían de ocupar y el papel del Estado provincial controlando esos mecanismos de representación. Se examinan los resultados de las elecciones municipales de 1886 en 16 partidos, con la intención de dimensionar los índices de participación que registraron las colectividades extranjeras

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Este trabajo analiza el papel de los inmigrantes en el régimen municipal en la campaña bonaerense. Se indaga la relación entre los extranjeros y un poder local marcado por la dinámica de los avances fronterizos y la construcción de nuevos espacios económicos y sociales. Analizaremos los inicios del régimen en la década de 1850, la posición legal que los extranjeros habrían de ocupar y el papel del Estado provincial controlando esos mecanismos de representación. Se examinan los resultados de las elecciones municipales de 1886 en 16 partidos, con la intención de dimensionar los índices de participación que registraron las colectividades extranjeras

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Este trabajo analiza el papel de los inmigrantes en el régimen municipal en la campaña bonaerense. Se indaga la relación entre los extranjeros y un poder local marcado por la dinámica de los avances fronterizos y la construcción de nuevos espacios económicos y sociales. Analizaremos los inicios del régimen en la década de 1850, la posición legal que los extranjeros habrían de ocupar y el papel del Estado provincial controlando esos mecanismos de representación. Se examinan los resultados de las elecciones municipales de 1886 en 16 partidos, con la intención de dimensionar los índices de participación que registraron las colectividades extranjeras

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In order to prevent, suppress and punish human trafficking, bilateral agreements between origin of victim countries and destination countries are crucial, because their cooperation involves cross-border activities such as repatriation of victims, extradition of criminals and information-sharing. This article analyzes three bilateral legal instruments between The Government of The Kingdom of Thailand and her three neighboring countries, namely The Royal Government of Cambodia, The Government of Lao People's Democratic Republic and The Government of The Union of Myanmar. The analysis will examine the legal status of the victim, the victim as witness in criminal proceedings, the victim protection programs, the recovery and restitution of damages, the process of repatriating the victim, and the prosecution of the criminal.

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Although marijuana possession remains a federal crime, twenty-three states now allow use of marijuana for medical purposes and four states have adopted tax-and-regulate policies permitting use and possession by those twenty-one and over. In this article, I examine recent developments regarding marijuana regulation. I show that the Obama administration, after initially sending mixed signals, has taken several steps indicating an increasingly accepting position toward marijuana law reform in states; however the current situation regarding the dual legal status of marijuana is at best an unstable equilibrium. I also focus on what might be deemed the last stand of marijuana-legalization opponents, in the form of lawsuits filed by several states, sheriffs, and private plaintiffs challenging marijuana reform in Colorado (and by extension elsewhere). This analysis offers insights for federalism scholars regarding the speed with which marijuana law reform has occurred, the positions taken by various state and federal actors, and possible collaborative federalism solutions to the current state-federal standoff.

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Objetivo: La población inmigrante presenta dificultades específicas para acceder a ella. Este estudio describe y evalúa la experiencia de re-contacto (muestra final) con trabajadores inmigrantes que participaron en una encuesta tres años antes (muestra inicial), compara ambas muestras y describe la muestra final. Métodos: En 2008 se realizó una encuesta presencial a 2.434 trabajadores inmigrantes (proyecto ITSAL I). 1.229 dejaron un número telefónico para ser re-contactados. En 2011 se los llamó para encuestarlos nuevamente (proyecto ITSAL II). Se calcularon indicadores de resultados de contacto (American Association Public Opinion Research). Se compararon las características sociodemográficas y laborales de los trabajadores de las muestras inicial y final. En la muestra final se compararon las distribuciones de variables sociodemográficas y laborales según país de origen. Se analizaron los cambios de situación legal, sector de actividad y ocupación en este intervalo. Resultados: La proporción de entrevistados que contestaron la segunda entrevista (tasa de respuesta) fue 29,5%. La muestra final (n=318) contó con mayor participación de ecuatorianos, mujeres, mayores de 45 años y con personas mayor nivel de estudios. Rumanos y marroquíes presentan mayor desempleo (45,1%, 40,0%). El 71,1% no cambió de sector de actividad y el 63,2% mejoró su situación legal. Conclusiones: La tasa de respuesta fue similar a la obtenida en otros estudios de estas características. El re-contacto fue más difícil en algunos grupos determinados por país de origen, edad, nivel de estudios y situación legal, para los que habría que buscar vías alternativas para su seguimiento.

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Background: Migrant workers have been one of the groups most affected by the economic crisis. This study evaluates the influence of changes in employment conditions on the incidence of poor mental health of immigrant workers in Spain, after a period of 3 years, in context of economic crisis. Methods: Follow-up survey was conducted at two time points, 2008 and 2011, with a reference population of 318 workers from Colombia, Ecuador, Morocco and Romania residing in Spain. Individuals from this population who reported good mental health in the 2008 survey (n = 214) were interviewed again in 2011 to evaluate their mental health status and the effects of their different employment situations since 2008 by calculating crude and adjusted odds ratios (aORs) for sociodemographic and employment characteristics. Findings: There was an increased risk of poor mental health in workers who lost their jobs (aOR = 3.62, 95%CI: 1.64–7.96), whose number of working hours increased (aOR = 2.35, 95%CI: 1.02–5.44), whose monthly income decreased (aOR = 2.75, 95%CI: 1.08–7.00) or who remained within the low-income bracket. This was also the case for people whose legal status (permission for working and residing in Spain) was temporary or permanent compared with those with Spanish nationality (aOR = 3.32, 95%CI: 1.15–9.58) or illegal (aOR = 17.34, 95%CI: 1.96–153.23). In contrast, a decreased risk was observed among those who attained their registration under Spanish Social Security system (aOR = 0.10, 95%CI: 0.02–0.48). Conclusion: There was an increase in poor mental health among immigrant workers who experienced deterioration in their employment conditions, probably influenced by the economic crisis.

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Canal 9 –o Nou, como se llamó en su última etapa– con su carácter ejemplarizante para el resto de autonómicas, se convierte en el objeto de estudio perfecto para los investigadores en comunicación. El trabajo se centra en la última etapa de RTVV, bajo la influencia de un nuevo estatuto legal, que dotaba a la televisión de herramientas presuntamente facilitadoras de la pluralidad en los informativos. Mediante un análisis cualitativo basado en entrevistas semiestructuradas a un panel de expertos, intentamos averiguar si se produjo en ese tiempo un cambio apreciable en la redacción de Canal 9, combinado con un cambio de talante en la gestión de la empresa. La conclusión, con los matices que desarrollamos en el texto, es que sí que se produjo una apertura en esa fase, que desgraciadamente fue abortada por el cierre precipitado. La eliminación de la emisora autonómica provocó un efecto destructivo en cadena en el sistema audiovisual valenciano que aún no se ha superado.

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Collection primarily documents McCulloch's research on women's legal status, and her work with the Illinois Equal Suffrage Association, the National American Woman Suffrage Association, and the League of Women Voters. There is also documentation of women in the legal profession, of McCulloch's friendships with the other women suffragists and lawyers, and some biographical material. The papers contain little information about her family or social life.

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Title from verso.

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Title from verso.

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The volume contains acknowledgements of the disbursements of Harvard Tutor Henry Flynt's estate written in the hands of the respective beneficiaries. The entries begin on February 27, 1760 following Flynt's death on February 13, 1760, and continue through May 9, 1767. Each receipt includes the date, name of the executors, description of the property, beneficiary's name, and signature. The beneficiaries include the wife of Sol. Davy, Dorothy Jackson, Edmund Quincy, J. Henry Quincy, Esther and Stephen Richard (received by attorney Nicholas Boylston), Dorothy Skinner (also received for her by her husband Richard Skinner), John Wendell, Edmund Wendell, Katherine Wendell, and Oliver Wendell, as well as Harvard College (received by Harvard Treasurer Thomas Hubbard), and the Deacons of the First Church of Cambridge. The volume also includes a loose document titled "Account from Messrs Edmund & Josiah Quincy Settled & Ballanced March 31, 1749."

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The concept of citizenship is one of the most complicated in political and social sciences. Its long process of historical development makes dealing with it particularly complicated. Citizenship is by nature a multi-dimensional concept: there is a legal citizenship, referring first to the equal legal status of individuals, for instance the equality between men and women. Legal citizenship also refers to a political dimension, the right to start and/or join political parties, or political participation more broadly. Thirdly, it has a religious dimension relating to the right of all religious groups to equally and freely practice their religious customs and rituals. Finally, legal citizenship possesses a socio-economic dimension related to the non-marginalisation of different social categories, for instance women. All of these dimensions, far from being purely objects of legal texts and codifications, are emerging as an arena of political struggle within the Egyptian society. Citizenship as a concept has its roots in European history and, more specifically, the emergence of the nation state in Europe and the ensuing economic and social developments in these societies. These social developments and the rise of the nation state have worked in parallel, fostering the notion of an individual citizen bestowed with rights and obligations. This gradual interaction was very different from what happened in the context of the Arab world. The emerging of the nation state in Egypt was an outcome of modernisation efforts from the top-down; it coercively redesigned the social structure, by eliminating or weakening some social classes in favour of others. These efforts have had an impact on the state-society relation at least in two respects. First, on the overlapping relation between some social classes and the state, and second, on the ability of some social groups to self-organise, define and raise their demands. This study identifies how different political parties in Egypt envision the multi-dimensional concept of citizenship. We focus on the following elements: Nature of the state (identity, nature of the regime) Liberties and rights (election laws, political party laws, etc.) Right to gather and organise (syndicates, associations, etc.) Freedom of expression and speech (right to protest, sit in, strike, etc.) Public and individual liberties (freedom of belief, personal issues, etc.) Rights of marginalised groups (women, minorities, etc.)

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A year ago, the Parliament of Ukraine adopted four bills on the policy of national memory: on granting access to the archives of the repressive organs of the Communist totalitarian regime in the years 1917–1991, on the legal status and commemoration of Ukrainian independence fighters in the twentieth century, on the immortalisation of the victory over Nazism in the Second World War, 1939–1945, and on the condemnation of the Communist and National Socialist (Nazi) totalitarian regimes and the forbidding of their symbolism from being promoted. The laws came into force on 21 May 2015. After a year, it can be stated that only the latter two are being observed – the official narrative regarding World War II has been changed, mainly due to the activity of the Ukrainian Institute of National Remembrance (UINR), but also as a result of public statements by President Petro Poroshenko. The process of removing from public places the names and commemorations referring to the Soviet era is underway, and the fears that this may trigger serious conflicts have not proved true. From roughly a thousand placenames subject to de-communisation some two thirds have been changed so far (parliamentary bills regarding the remaining ones are awaiting approval) and most statues of Communist leaders have been removed. However, the law concerning independence fighters, which raised the most serious controversies, did not have any practical consequences. Moreover, nothing suggests that this could change. The implementation of the de-communisation laws is associated with a significant change in Ukrainian patriotic narrative: it is no longer focused on national martyrdom and it is beginning to emphasize heroic motives, which is in line with wartime needs. The fact that some of these motives are likely to trigger problems in Ukraine’s relations with Poland seems to be viewed as a marginal ‘by-product’.