Latin America and the Caribbean and China: towards a new era in economic cooperation

Foreword by Alicia Bárcena

Gurupá: das ruínas aos cemitérios

Posterior ao Tratado de Madrid (1750), o governo do Marquês de Pombal (1750-1777) implanta o projeto moderno nacional de caráter imperial nas colônias portuguesas. O Tratado de Madrid reconhecia a situação real na América Latina e encaminhou o trabalho das comissões de limites. O capitão-geral, na época do Estado do Grão-Pará e Maranhão, Francisco Xavier Mendonça Furtado foi ator decisivo do projeto político e militar, segurando a região à coroa portuguesa, e executava o projeto pombalino contra os jesuítas ("Estado de Deus") e as condições agrestes da região. A partir dos traços que o empreendimento político e ideológico deixou, o nosso estudo compara três vozes: as cartas do Governador Francisco Xavier de Mendonça Furtado, a obra do escritor paraense Dalcídio Jurandir e a trilogia romanesca de Alfred Döblin, a fim de analisar como as incursões ideológica e estética configuram a mediação entre a realidade histórica e a representação nas narrativas de ficção. Essa comparação se realiza no contexto de uma região que liberou as mais altas e fecundas fantasias da historia cultural da humanidade (as Amazonas, El Dorado, o tesouro do Rei Salomão e o boom da borracha), a fim de traçar as fantasmagorias diante das ruínas da realidade, confrontar o imaginário coletivo e a ficcionalização individual.

Ahmedabad | Laboratorio di architettura moderna Il National Institute of Design (1961-68) fra contatti internazionali ed echi della tradizione

Oggetto della ricerca è lo studio del National Institute of Design (NID), progettato da Gautam Sarabhai e sua sorella Gira, ad Ahmedabad, assunta a paradigma del nuovo corso della politica che il Primo Ministro Nehru espresse nei primi decenni del governo postcoloniale. Obiettivo della tesi è di analizzare il fenomeno che unisce modernità e tradizione in architettura. La modernità indiana, infatti, nacque e si sviluppò con i caratteri di un Giano bifronte: da un lato, la politica del Primo Ministro Nehru favorì lo sviluppo dell’industria e della scienza; dall’altro, la visione di Gandhi mirava alla riscoperta del locale, delle tradizioni e dell’artigianato. Questi orientamenti influenzarono l’architettura postcoloniale. Negli anni ‘50 e ’60 Ahmedabad divenne la culla dell’architettura moderna indiana. Kanvinde, i Sarabhai, Correa, Doshi, Raje trovarono qui le condizioni per costruire la propria identità come progettisti e come intellettuali. I motori che resero possibile questo fermento furono principalmente due: una committenza di imprenditori illuminati, desiderosi di modernizzare la città; la presenza ad Ahmedabad, a partire dal 1951, dei maestri dell’architettura moderna, tra cui i più noti furono Le Corbusier e Kahn, invitati da quella stessa committenza, per la quale realizzarono edifici di notevole rilevanza. Ad Ahmedabad si confrontarono con forza entrambe le visioni dell’India moderna. Lo sforzo maggiore degli architetti indiani si espresse nel tentativo di conciliare i due aspetti, quelli che derivavano dalle influenze internazionali e quelli che provenivano dallo spirito della tradizione. Il progetto del NID è uno dei migliori esempi di questo esercizio di sintesi. Esso recupera nella composizione spaziale la lezione di Wright, Le Corbusier, Kahn, Eames ibridandola con elementi della tradizione indiana. Nell’uso sapiente della struttura modulare e a padiglione, della griglia ordinatrice a base quadrata, dell’integrazione costante fra spazi aperti, natura e architettura affiorano nell’edificio del NID echi di una cultura millenaria.

La costruzione delle relazioni politiche ed economiche tra l'Italia e la Germania occidentale dopo la seconda guerra mondiale (1945-1951)

L’autore ricostruisce ed esamina la storia dei rapporti italo-tedeschi negli anni immediatamente precedenti la riapertura ufficiale delle relazioni diplomatiche tra Italia e Repubblica federale tedesca. Un riavvicinamento economico e politico progressivo, ma che suscitò forti contrasti tra i principali attori della diplomazia italiana. Il saggio si basa su una documentazione conservata presso l’Archivio storico del ministero degli Esteri, l’Archivio centrale dello Stato, l’Archivio storico della Banca d’Italia e l’Archivio Politico del ministero degli Esteri della Repubblica federale. L’autore sostiene che le relazioni economiche italo-tedesche assunsero un ruolo centrale nel processo di elaborazione della politica estera italiana sulla questione tedesca nel corso di questi anni. Prima dell’istituzione della Repubblica federale tedesca, l’Italia divenne un partner economico fondamentale per la Germania occidentale. Tra il 1945 e il 1949 l'Italia fu il primo paese europeo favorevole alla rinascita di un nuovo stato tedesco non sottoposto alla diretta influenza dell’Unione Sovietica. Il presidente del Consiglio De Gasperi e il ministro degli Esteri Sforza per sostenere la nuova Germania attuarono una precisa azione diplomatica di riavvicinamento politico, promuovendo diversi scambi di visite e di incontri con i rappresentanti tedeschi.

I "governi del Presidente"

Gli avvenimenti politico-istituzionali degli ultimi anni hanno determinato un vivace dibattito sulla questione dei cc.dd. “governi del Presidente”, con cui si suole far riferimento ad Esecutivi il cui procedimento di formazione e le cui crisi registrano un interventismo del Presidente della Repubblica superiore a quello richiesto e/o consentito dal dettato costituzionale. Obiettivo dell’elaborato è duplice: fornire un tentativo definitorio della categoria “governi del Presidente”, nonché valutare la compatibilità di questa con la forma di governo parlamentare, soprattutto in considerazione dei recenti sviluppi delle dinamiche politico-istituzionali italiane. Sulla base di questo presupposto, nel presente lavoro si procede a una ricostruzione dell’evoluzione della prassi e delle consuetudini costituzionali in merito all’esercizio dei poteri presidenziali nella gestione delle crisi di governo, con particolare riferimento al procedimento di formazione dell’Esecutivo. La tesi si presenta articolata in due parti, corrispondenti a due differenti periodi storici (cc.dd. Prima e Seconda Repubblica), organizzate per capitoli, relativi alle principali fasi di evoluzione del sistema politico attraversate nel corso della storia della Repubblica. Questa scelta si giustifica in ragione del fatto che il modus operandi del Presidente della Repubblica risulta fortemente condizionato dai mutamenti del contesto politico-istituzionale. Nei singoli paragrafi, dedicati ai presidenti, vengono trattati l’elezione del Presidente, le modalità di formazione dei governi nominati, nonché ulteriori temi la cui disamina è stata ritenuta opportuna allo scopo di fornire una contestualizzazione più adeguata dell’analisi svolta (utilizzo del potere di esternazione e di scioglimento delle Camere, gestione delle attività di politica interna e politica estera, principali avvenimenti dei periodi storici considerati, e così via).

The Gandhi Story: An Official Indian Comic Book History of the Mahatma

In 1966, the Publications Division of the Government of India’s Ministry of Information and Broadcasting released a 47-page hardbound comic book entitled The Gandhi Story. Written and illustrated by S.D. Sawant and S.D. Badalkar, it opens with a foreword by independent India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, and presents a state sanctioned narrative of Gandhi’s life and role in the Indian struggle for independence. This articles examines how the creators of The Gandhi Story drew upon both textual and visual sources as reference material during its creation, and investigates the relationship between "official" and "unofficial" nationalisms of twentieth-century Indian history.

Democratic Transition and Political Patronage

Mr. Korosenyi begins by analysing the particular relationship holding between politics and administration in different countries. Within Europe three major patterns have emerged in the 20th century. Firstly there is the politically neutral British Civil Service, secondly the German and French state bureaucracies, which traditionally are supposed to embody the "common good", and thirdly there is the patronage system of the so-called consociate democracies, e.g. Austria. In general Mr. Korosenyi believes that, though politics do not penetrate into the Hungarian administration to the extent they do in Belgium and Austria, nevertheless, there is a stronger fusion than there is in the traditional British pattern. He is particularly interested in this relationship with regard to its effect on democratic institution building and the stabilisation of the new regime in Hungary, now the old "nomenklatura" system has been abolished. The structure of the Hungarian government was a result of the constitutional amendments of 1989 and 1990. Analysing this period, it becomes clear that for all the political actors who initiated and supported the democratic transition to democracy, the underlying assumption was a radical depoliticisation of the administration in order to maintain its stability. The political leadership of the executive is a cabinet government. The government is structured along ministries, each headed by a politician, i.e. the minister, who is a member of the cabinet. The minister's political secretary is not a cabinet member, but he or she is a politician, usually a member of the parliament. The head of the administration of the ministry is the administrative state secretary, who is a civil servant. He or she usually has four deputies, also civil servants. Naturally it is assumed that there should be a clear separation between politicians and civil servants. However in practice, the borders can be blurred, giving rise to a hybrid known as the "political civil servant". Mr. Korosenyi analyses the different faces of these hybrids. They are civil servants for the following reasons. They need special educational qualifications, working experience, a civil service exam etc., they are not allowed to do anything which is incompatible with their impartial role, and they cannot occupy political office nor may they appear in the name of any political party. On the other hand, the accepted political dimension to their function is revealed by the following facts. The state secretary (a civil servant) may participate in cabinet meetings instead of the minister. The state secretary is employed by the minister. A state secretary or any of their deputies can be dismissed at any time by the minister or the prime minister. In practice then, ministers appoint to these senior administrative positions civil servants whose personal and political loyaties are strong. To the second level of political patronage in ministries belong the ministerial cabinet, press office and public relation office. The ministerial cabinet includes the private advisors and members of the personal staff of the minister. The press office and the PR office, if they exist, are not adjusted to the administrative hierarchy of the ministry, but under the direct control of the minister. In the beginning of the 1990s, such offices were exceptions; in the second half of the 90s they are accepted and to be found in most ministries. Mr. Korosenyi's work, a 92-page manuscript of a book in Hungarian, marks the first piece of literature within the field of political science which analyses the structure of the Hungarian government in the 1990s and the relationship between the political leadership and the public administration.

Transformations in French Anti-Semitism?

The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a “new Judeophobia” that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of “Jews,” “Israelis,” and “Zionists.” One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the “altermondialistes,” the communists, and the “neo-Trotskyists.” The article provides answers to the following questions: Are anti-Jewish views on the increase in France today? Do these opinions correlate with negative opinions of other minorities, notably Maghrebians and Muslims? Do they tend to develop among voters and sympathizers with the extreme right or on the extreme left of the political spectrum? And how are they related to opinions concerning Zionism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? My evaluation of the transformations in French anti-Semitism relies on two types of data. The first is police and gendarmerie statistics published by the National Consultative Committee on Human Rights (CNCDH), which is charged with presenting the prime minister with an annual report on the struggle against racism and xenophobia in France. The other is data from surveys, notably surveys commissioned by CNCDH for its annual report and surveys conducted at the Center for Political Research (CEVIPOF) at Sciences Po (Paris Institute for Political Research). The data show that anti-Semitic opinions follow a different logic from acts, that the social, cultural, and political profile of anti-Semites remains very close to that of other types of racists, and that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism do not overlap exactly.

Saving the Australian War Effort in 1916? The Significance and Impact of Global Climatic Conditions and Pests on William Morris Hughes’ Negotiations with the British Government

Taking up the thesis of Dipesh Chakrabarty (2009) that human history (including cultural history) on the one hand and natural history on the other must be brought into conversation more than has been done so in the past, this presentation will focus more closely on the significance and the impact of global climatic conditions and pests on the negotiations that Australian Prime Minister William Morris Hughes carried on with the British government between March and November 1916. Whereas Australia had been able to sell most of its produce in 1914 and 1915 the situation looked more serious in 1916, not least due to the growing shortage in shipping. It was therefore imperative for the Australian government to find a way to solve this problem, not least because it wanted to keep up its own war effort at the pace it had been going so far. In this context intentions to make or press ahead with a contribution to a war perceived to be more total those of the past interacted with natural phenomena such as the declining harvest in many parts of the world in 1916 as a consequence of climatic conditions as well as pests in many parts of the world.

Catching Reality or Bowing Disciplines: How to Move the Study of Citizenship

In his contribution, Joppke justifies his selection of foundational scholars by linking each to what he sees as the three key facets of citizenship: status, rights and identity. Maarten Vink explicitly links his research agenda to the first, status, and outlines why it is so important. In identifying three facets of citizenship, Joppke acknowledges that some academics would include political participation, but he ultimately decides against it. But here we can, and should, broaden citizenship studies by bringing in insights from the behavioral politics tradition in domestic politics - when and why people engage in political acts - and from the social movements literature in sociology. I believe that the American debate on immigration reform, admittedly stalled, would not have advanced as far as it has without the social movement activism of DREAMers - unauthorized young people pushing for a path to citizenship - and the belief that Barack Obama won re-election in part because of the Latino vote. Importantly, one type of political activism demands formal citizenship, the other does not. As many contributors note, the “national models” approach has had a significant impact on citizenship studies. Whether one views such models through a cultural, institutional or historical lens, this tends to be a top-down, macro-level framework. What about immigrants’ agency? In Canada, although the ruling Conservative government is shifting citizenship discourse to a more traditional language - as Winter points out - it has not reduced immigration, ended dual citizenship, or eliminated multiculturalism, all goals of the Reform Party that the current prime minister once helped build. “Lock-in” effects (or policy feedback loops) based on high immigrant naturalization and the coming of age of a second-generation with citizenship also d emands study, in North America and elsewhere. Much of the research thus far suggests that political decisions over citizenship status and rights do not seem linked to immigrants’ political activism. State-centered decision-making may have characterized policy in the early post-World War II period in Europe (and East Asia?), but does it continue to hold today? Majority publics and immigrant-origin residents are increasingly politicized around citizenship and immigration. Does immigrant agency extend citizenship status, rights and identity to those born outside the polity? Is electoral power key, or is protest necessary? How is citizenship practiced, and contested, irrespective of formal status? These are important and understudied empirical questions, ones that demand theoretical creativity - across sub-fields and disciplines - in conceptualizing and understanding citizenship in contemporary times.

The misconception of political lessons : how UMNO perceives the fall of LDP in Japan

2012 marks the thirtieth anniversary of Malaysia’s Look East Policy (LEP). This article argues that the strong relationship between Malaysia and Japan is stimulated by symbiotic ties binding together both countries’ respective major political parties, viz. the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) and the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). UMNO, especially under the leadership of Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad (1981-2003), derived political lessons from developments affecting LDP in Japan. Two forms of lessons may be discerned. First, emulation of Japan’s success in economic development, which become the basis of LEP launched in 1981. Second, on which our article focuses, lessons from the failure of LDP to retain power twice in 1993 and 2009. Since 1993, DP’s defeat has been a poignant reminder for UMNO to be in alert mode in facing any electoral possibility. When LDP was again ousted from power in 2009, UMNO was a most psychologically affected party owing to the unprecedented setback it suffered at Malaysia’s Twelfth General Elections (GE) of 2008. Yet, although LDP’s reversal of fortunes served as a landmark for UMNO in situating changes to its trajectory since 1999, the analogical reasoning and political lessons applied by UMNO leaders were, to a large extent, flawed. Arguably, politicians frequently do misjudge in analogising between different situations which at a glance seem to be comparable.

Essay on the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars,

This is a contemporary draft composition reviewing the course of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars. Tudor offers opinions on England’s diplomatic options after the renewal of hostilities and Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger: "His task is momentous and all Europe are watching his movements with anxiety." The document is signed "Marcus Valinus."

#DressCodePM & Re-Framing The Niqab: News Sources, Hashtag Activism, and Media Representation

This thesis originates from my interest in exploring how minorities are using social media to talk back to mainstream media. This study examines whether hashtags that trend on Twitter may impact how news stories related to minorities are covered in Canadian media. The Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper stated the niqab was “rooted in a culture that is anti-women” on 10 March 2015. The next day #DressCodePM trended in response to the PM’s niqab remarks. Using network gatekeeping theory, this study examines the types of sources quoted in the media stories published on 10 and 11 March 2015. The study’s goal is to explore whether using tweet quotes leads to the representation of a more diverse range of news sources. The study compares the types of sources quoted in stories that covered Harper’s comments without mentioning #DressCodePM versus stories that mention #DressCodePM. This study also uses Tuen A. van Dijk’s methodology of asking “who is speaking, how often and how prominently?” in order to examine whose voices have been privileged and whose voices have been marginalized in covering the niqab in Canadian media from the 1970s and until the days following the PM’s remarks. Network gatekeeping theory is applied in this study to assess whether the gated gained more power after #DressCodePM trended. The case study’s findings indicates that Caucasian male politicians were predominantly used as news sources in covering stories related to the niqab for the past 38 years in the Globe and Mail. The sourcing pattern of favouring politicians continued in Canadian print and online media on 10 March 2015 following Harper’s niqab comments. However, ordinary Canadian women, including Muslim women, were used more often than politicians as news sources in the stories about #DressCodePM that were published on 11 March 2015. The gated media users were able to gain power and attract Canadian Media’s attention by widely spreading #DressCodePM. This study draws attention to the lack of diversity of sources used in Canadian political news stories, yet this study also shows it is possible for the gated media users to amplify their voices through hashtag activism.

Cyprus ... A Test Case for Future European Banking Policy. CEPS Commentary, 21 March 2013

In this CEPS Commentary, the former Irish Prime Minister calls the precedents being set in the Cypriot banking case “troubling” and reflective of a lack of clarity and consistency of thought by both the eurozone Finance Ministers and the European Commission. He welcomes the rejection of the deal by the Cypriot Parliament as it now gives eurozone policy-makers a chance to think again about the underlying philosophy of their approach to the financial crisis.

Cameron's proposals to limit EU citizens' access to the UK: lawful or not, under EU rules? CEPS Commentary, 29 November 2013

This Commentary briefly examines each of Prime Minister Cameron's headline proposals to limit EU citizens’ access to social benefits. Are these proposals in breach of the UK’s obligations under EU law? The paper also makes some general comments about the end of the transitional arrangements for Bulgarian and Romanian work-seekers, and ‘benefits tourism’ in general.