187 resultados para priests
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Shaping the Luso-Brazilian space in Portuguese America was through constant conflicts between different individuals and institutions. Regarding to land ownership, such conflicts were aggravated, depending on the individuals involved and their context. The captaincy of Rio Grande, there is conflict over land ownership Cidade dos Veados and Olho d' Água Azul and its stakeholders: priests of the Society of missionaries of the village Guajiru; indian mission Guajiru; and members of Carneiro da Cunha family. In 1725, the jesuit mission Guajiru requested a league of land at a place called Cidade dos Veados for the indians of his mission claiming that the land that the mission had was not sufficient for the subsistence of the same. In 1727, priest requested another league of land in place Olho d'Água Azul, stating that the mission had more than 192 couples. Both lands were properly required for the mission guajiru. however, in 1760, with the changes imposed by the indian directorate ombudsman responsible for investigating indigenous possessions realized that the indians did not occupy the two lands requested in the 1720s , due to the fact João Carneiro da Cunha has taken possession of the same. As a result, the impasse over land are ligth. This conflict over land ownership Cidade dos Veados and Olho d'Água Azul, we intend to highlight in particular the motivations and mindsets about possessory property of each party involved. We seek to understand the motivations of each group involved allowed the use of specific strategies and set out to try to take possession of the lands of the Cidade dos Veados e Olho d'Água Azul
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.
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Despite the involvement of radical socialists like James Connolly and the Irish Citizen Army in the 1916 Rising and the unanimous passing of the Democratic Programme (a socialist manifesto for the new Government) by the First Dáil in 1919, the Irish state has since its inception exhibited a highly conservative approach to social and economic policy, and politics generally in Ireland, North or South, have never faced a serious challenge from those seeking radical change. Several factors have played a part in this and this article focuses on one of these - the power and conservatism of the Catholic Church and its influence in shaping the political landscape. Despite a decline in recent years, the Church remains influential north and south of the Border in education provision, the current debates in relation to abortion and in culturally important aspects of life - baptism, communion and burial. In the past the Church’s political influence among Ireland’s majority Catholic community had been even more pronounced. The article begins by looking at the Church’s attitude to revolutionary change in Ireland historically before focusing on its influence in the North during the Stormont years and during the more recent ‘Troubles’ – 1969 - 98. It shows how the Church attempted to influence political thought and discourse in Ireland when it was at the height of its power. Whilst it is true that the Church was not a monolith, and there have always been individual priests who have adopted a more radical approach, the general thrust of the Church was conservative, attempting to ally itself with the power elites of the day where possible. It is this influence which appears to have stood the test of time despite attempts in past generations to radicalise the Irish population.
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El período de descomposición del orden colonial y de trabajosa construcción de otro nuevo en clave republicana reconoce un conjunto de dispositivos y prácticas que posibilitaron el cambio político. Determinadas instituciones y agentes soportaron esta transición que supuso desmontar muchas de las antiguas referencias y modelos de acción política, y orientaron la emergencia de nuevas formas de concebir, percibir y relacionarse con el poder. En la persistencia de algunas de estas figuras clave residió la factibilidad de las nuevas repúblicas. En particular, los agentes y las jurisdicciones eclesiásticos, los ritos y celebraciones religiosas permanecieron ocupando un lugar que no puede ignorarse.
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El período de descomposición del orden colonial y de trabajosa construcción de otro nuevo en clave republicana reconoce un conjunto de dispositivos y prácticas que posibilitaron el cambio político. Determinadas instituciones y agentes soportaron esta transición que supuso desmontar muchas de las antiguas referencias y modelos de acción política, y orientaron la emergencia de nuevas formas de concebir, percibir y relacionarse con el poder. En la persistencia de algunas de estas figuras clave residió la factibilidad de las nuevas repúblicas. En particular, los agentes y las jurisdicciones eclesiásticos, los ritos y celebraciones religiosas permanecieron ocupando un lugar que no puede ignorarse.
Resumo:
El período de descomposición del orden colonial y de trabajosa construcción de otro nuevo en clave republicana reconoce un conjunto de dispositivos y prácticas que posibilitaron el cambio político. Determinadas instituciones y agentes soportaron esta transición que supuso desmontar muchas de las antiguas referencias y modelos de acción política, y orientaron la emergencia de nuevas formas de concebir, percibir y relacionarse con el poder. En la persistencia de algunas de estas figuras clave residió la factibilidad de las nuevas repúblicas. En particular, los agentes y las jurisdicciones eclesiásticos, los ritos y celebraciones religiosas permanecieron ocupando un lugar que no puede ignorarse.