Programa Nacional de Incentivo à Leitura - PROLER: avaliação da implementação pelo Comitê Potiguar

The National Reading Incentive Program (PROLER) is a national initiative to promote and encourage reading throughout the country, linked to the National Library Foundation (FBN) of the Ministry of Culture (MinC). This research aims to assess the PROLER’s implementation process in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, from the actions of their local committee. The framework is based on contextualize the policies that seek to encourage the book and reading, as well as the processes of implementation and evaluation of public policies. The research is understood as a qualitative descriptive-exploratory study, comprising a single case study. Makes use of semi-structured interview as a tool for data collection, which was attended by 8 members of Potiguar Committee as respondents. The techniques of bibliographical and documentary analysis were used for the analysis and discussion of data obtained from surveys and documents on PROLER; as to the content of the interviews, the technique used was the analysis of conversations. As for the results, the existence of four barriers to program implementation in the state that are worth mentioning is observed: a) the political-administrative discontinuity; b) the limited resources and few partnerships; c) the management of school libraries and absence from the post of librarian in the state and; d) the absence of a process or assessment tool able to evaluate the results or the impacts of actions taken by the Potiguar Committee. It was noticed that these limiting four come PROLER making the implementation of the Rio Grande do Norte a process that, although complying with the national regulations of teacher training and follow school libraries and their needs, not flawed to develop assessments that can measure program impacts, making the feedback process of ineffective policy. Another observation of this study is seen in the fact that the Committee did not get enough to supply their shares resources, as well as not being able to articulate new partnerships, thus contributing negatively to the scope of the program form and, consequently, for the effectiveness of their actions. Has even mentioning the fact that the Committee do nothing regarding the mismanagement of the libraries that are in their care, ie, do not use the power of coercion as guaranteed by the National Policy on Reading and federal laws that treat the school library, and is therefore ineffective in relation to compliance with the program guidelines

Spic'ing into Existence: Epitaph, Epithet, and the Ethnopoetic Imagination

Quién Es, Quién Somos? Spic’ing into Existence claims a four-fold close-reading: first, analysis of texts: from theoretical meditations to (prison) memoir and film. Second, a half dozen central figures appear, largely Latinx and black American. They cut across a score of registers, socio-economics, ideological reservations, but all are, as Carl Carlton sang, poetry in motion. Writers, poets, theologians, pathologists, artists, comedians, actors, students whose vocation is invocation, the inner surge of their calling. Third, the manuscript draws from a series of historical moments—from radical liberation of the late 60s, to contemporary student activism. Finally, this body of work is movement, in all its social, gestural, and kinesthetic viscera. From this last heading, we peel away layers of what I call the ethnopoet, the fascia undoing that reveals its bio-political anatomy, dressing its bare life with kinship speech. First, the social revolutions of the Civil Rights, Black Power, abolitionism, the Black Panthers and Young Lords, boycotts and jarring artistic performances. These events are superficial not in vain sense, but key epicenters of underground murmurings, the workings of a cunning assailant. She robs not lavish estates, but another day to breathe. Gesturally, as perhaps the interlocutor, lies this author, interspersing his own diatribes to conjure her presence. The final branch is admittedly the most intangible. Kinesthetically, we map the nimbleness, footwork lígera of what I call the ethnopoet. Ethnopoet is no mere aggregate of ethnicity and poetry, but like chemical reaction, the descriptor for its behavior under certain pressures, temperatures, and elements. Elusive and resisting confinement, and therefore definition, the ethnopoet is a shapeshifting figure of how racialized bodies [people of color] respond to hegemonic powers. She is, at bottom, however, a native translator, the plural-lensed subject whose loyalty is only to the imagination of a different world, one whose survival is not contingent upon her exploitation. The native translator’s constant re-calibrations of oppressive power apparatuses seem taxing at best, and near-impossible, at worst. To effectively navigate through these polarized loci, she must identify ideologies that in turn seek “affective liberatory sances” in relation to the dominant social order (43). In a kind of performative contradiction, she must marshall the knowledge necessary to “break with ideology” while speaking within it. Chicana Studies scholar, Chela Sandoval, describes this dual movement as “meta-ideologizing”: the appropriation of hegemonic ideological forms in order to transform them (82). Nuestros padres se subieron encima de La Bestia, y por eso somos pasageros a ese tren. Y ya, dentro su pansa, tenemos que ser vigilantes cuando plantamos las bombas. In Methodology of the Oppressed, Sandoval schematizes this oppositional consciousness around five principle categories: “equal rights,” “revolutionary,” “supremacist,” “separatist,” and “differential.” Taken by themselves, the first four modes appear mutually exclusive, incapable of occupying the same plane, until a fifth pillar emerges. Cinematographic in nature, differential consciousness, as Sandoval defines it, is “a kinetic motion that maneuvers, poetically transfigures, and orchestrates while demanding alienation, perversion, and reformation in both spectators and practitioners” (44). For Sandoval, then, differential consciousness is a methodology that privileges an incredible sense mobility, one reaching artistic sensibilities. Our fourth and final analytic of movement serves an apt example of this dual meaning. Lexically speaking, ‘movement’ may be regarded as a political mobilization of aggrieved populations (through sustained efforts), or the process of moving objects (people or otherwise) from one location to another. Praxis-wise, it is both action and ideal, content and form. Thus, an ethnic poetics must be regarded less as a series of stanzas, shortened lyric, or even arrangement of language, but as a lens through which peripheralized peoples kaleidecope ideological positions in an “original, eccentric, and queer sight” (43). Taking note of the advantages of postponing identifications, the thesis stands its ground on the term ethnopoet. Its abstraction is not dewey-eyed philosophy, but an anticipation of poetic justice, of what’s to come from callused hands. This thesis is divided into 7.5 chapters. The first maps out the ethnopoet’s cartographies of struggle. By revisiting that alleged Tío Tomas, Richard Rodriguez, we unearth the tensions that negatively, deny citizenship to one silo, but on the flipside, engender manifold ways of seeing, hearing, and moving . The second, through George Jackson’s prison memoirs, pans out from this ethnography of power, groping for an apparatus that feigns an impervious prestige: ‘the aesthetic regime of coercion.’ In half-way cut, the thesis sidesteps to spic into existence, formally announcing, through Aime Cesaire, myself, and Pedro Pietri, the poeticization of trauma. Such uplift denies New Age transcendence of self, but a rehearsal of our entrapment in these mortal envelopes. Thirdly, conscious of the bleeding ethnic body, we cut open the incipient corpse to observe her pathologist. Her native autopsies offer the ethnic body’s posthumous recognition, the ethnopoetics ability to speak for and through the dead. Chapter five examines prolific black artists—Beyonce and Kendrick Lamar—to elide the circumvention of their consumption via invoking radical black hi/her-stories, ones fragmenting the black body. Sixth, the paper compares the Black Power Salute of the 1968 Mexico City Olympics to Duke’s Mi Gente Boycott of their Latino Student Recruitment Weekend. Both wielded “silent gestures,” that shrewdly interfered with white noise of numbed negligence. Finally, ‘taking the mask off’ that are her functionalities, the CODA expounds on ethnopoet’s interiority, particularly after the rapid re-calibration of her politics. Through a rerun of El Chavo del Ocho, one of Mexican television’s most cherished shows, we tune into the heart-breaking indigence of barrio residents, only to marvel at the power of humor to, as Friday’s John Witherspoon put it, “fight another day.” This thesis is the tip of my tongue. Y por una vez, déjala que cante.

Contemporary Transformations of the Relations between Politics, Culture and Religion in Western Europe. Some Notes on the Spanish Case

According to Tilly, two laws shaped the process of transformation undergone by Western European societies since the Peace of Westphalia until the end of the 20th century: their increasing inner homogenisation and their growing heterogeneity between them. Cultural inner homogenisation affected, fi rst, those ethnic groups living within the territories of the said states. The second phase of homogenisation impinged on those groups that immigrated after World War II. This process followed different models according to the country considered, but the 1973 oil crisis revealed their general lack of success. During the last quarter of the 20th century and onwards, these European societies have been altered by two progressive and contradictory global logics: a process of cultural homogenisation at the world level (rather than society level) and a process of cultural re-creation led by those groups with an immigrant background, who have reacted against their integration shortcomings by searching for new sources of social and personal esteem in their respective cultural and religious traditions. This paper seeks to clarify these processes from a social differentiation and political representation theory perspective. The latter becomes indispensable, as the said processes have happened in a context in which the structure of relations (i.e. communication) between civil society and the democratic political sphere have experienced a radical crisis. In this way, the complex relations that exist between civil society, culture, religion and politics in these Western European societies are depicted.

“Work of Kinship” done by Families in Santiago de Chile

This paper reports the progress achieved in an anthropological investigation based on which there is now a more in depth understanding of some dimensions of the “kinship work” carried out by families in Chile. The main objective is to analyze the work of maintaining family links performed primarily by women within families and show how this work reproduces gender inequalities within them. On the basis of a longitudinal methodology based on semi-structured interviews, it is concluded that the work of maintaining family links performed by women is crucial but goes unnoticed because kinship obligations are seen as a naturally being part of women’s role in the family.

Introducing "Fourth Space" : Young Muslims Negotiating Marriage in Europe

Based on interviews with young persons in two national Muslim youth organizations in Europe, this article examines how young Muslims negotiate between the cultural customs of their societiesof origin, their everyday experiences in Europe, and the global Muslim public sphere. In seekinga universal “true” core of Islam, these young persons create their own version of Islam, a “fourthspace” in which they reinterpret the authoritative source texts of Islam in light of personal diasporicexperiences in Europe. This reinterpretation becomes particularly pertinent in the context of planningfor future marriage, where they jointly construct new understandings of Islam to argue for inter-ethnic marriages and later age at marriage, to argue against coercion in arranged marriages, tooppose polygyny and to portray the stigmatization of divorce as counter to the true spirit of Islam.

Tourism Media Dynamics: Narratives of the Nation-State

With the premise that the tourism promotional video “China, Forever” provides a crucial access to understanding how tourism engages in a wider circle of socio-culture formation, this dissertation research approaches tourism by examining communicative practices initiated by “China, Forever”. In doing so, it seeks to reveal two dialogues – firstly, between the discursive construction of tourism representational language and China’s nation-state ideology; secondly, between interpretations from overseas Chinese audiences and nation-state narratives delivered via the tourism media. In analyzing the first dialogue, this dissertation reveals that the pursuit of collective and monolithic national imagery has caused a representational violence – one that is committed by the nation-state ideology operated through the organization of tourism language. The very representational coercion itself, however, signifies the nature of tourism media as a vehicle mediating the global gaze and China’s self-representation; illuminating the fact that China’s nation-state building is only to be understood as deeply-grounded in the complexity of postcolonial politics. Furthermore, in a dialectic view, such finding consolidates the nature of “China, Forever” as a cultural product that actively exists as a component in the overall social fabric, co-creating a wider circle of culture politics together with other genres of media products; thus, calling for a more comprehensive understanding of tourism media at large. In the second approach, this dissertation seeks to understand how the tourism video “China, Forever” mediates the relationship between tourism narratives of the nation-state and overseas Chinese individuals; thus bridging together tourism media and ongoing life experiences of the audiences chosen. The analysis reveals that audiences’ interpretations heavily concentrate on resisting and fragmenting the hegemonic nation-state language in “China, Forever”. While some interviewees seek to decentralize the nation-state perspective from aspects of aesthetics, representational style, and representational subjects in “China, Forever” by incorporating their individual memories and past experiences, to some others, the over-polished glorification of China in the mediated tourism discourse is only coercive to China’s social realities experienced by the individual interviewees - the disheartening contrasts of poverty and affluence as well as other social inequalities. From the perspective of the audience group, the Chinese scholars and students at the University of Illinois interviewed for this dissertation research constitute a cohort of exiled audiences for the tourism video “China, Forever”. The audiences subject themselves to voluntary interpellation, a process in which they find themselves defending, negotiating, and resisting the nation-state representation of China – even though they are not its intended audience and have had no input into its production. Nevertheless, such process is one of identification, in which viewers articulate a subject position from which to speak of their own experiences, dilemmas and desires. The usefulness of tourism media discourse in mediating the nation-state narratives and the individual experience is amplified.

An evolutionary model explaining the Neolithic transition from egalitarianism to leadership and despotism.

The Neolithic was marked by a transition from small and relatively egalitarian groups, to much larger groups with increased stratification. But the dynamics of this remain poorly understood. It is hard to see how despotism can arise without coercion, yet coercion could not easily have occurred in an egalitarian setting. Using a quanti- tative model of evolution in a patch-structured population, we demonstrate that the interaction between demographic and ecological factors can overcome this conundrum. We model the co-evolution of individual preferences for hierarchy alongside the degree of despotism of leaders, and the dispersal preferences of followers. We show that voluntary leadership without coercion can evolve in small groups, when leaders help to solve coordination problems related to resource production. An example is coordinating construction of an irrigation system. Our model predicts that the transition to larger despotic groups will then occur when: 1. surplus resources lead to demographic expansion of groups, removing the viability of an acephalous niche in the same area and so locking individuals into hierarchy; 2. high dispersal costs limit followers' ability to escape a despot. Empirical evidence suggests that these conditions were likely met for the first time during the subsistence intensification of the Neolithic.

Reproductive competition triggers mass eviction in cooperative banded mongooses.

In many vertebrate societies, forced eviction of group members is an important determinant of population structure, but little is known about what triggers eviction. Three main explanations are: (i) the reproductive competition hypothesis, (ii) the coercion of cooperation hypothesis, and (iii) the adaptive forced dispersal hypothesis. The last hypothesis proposes that dominant individuals use eviction as an adaptive strategy to propagate copies of their alleles through a highly structured population. We tested these hypotheses as explanations for eviction in cooperatively breeding banded mongooses (Mungos mungo), using a 16-year dataset on life history, behaviour and relatedness. In this species, groups of females, or mixed-sex groups, are periodically evicted en masse. Our evidence suggests that reproductive competition is the main ultimate trigger for eviction for both sexes. We find little evidence that mass eviction is used to coerce helping, or as a mechanism to force dispersal of relatives into the population. Eviction of females changes the landscape of reproductive competition for remaining males, which may explain why males are evicted alongside females. Our results show that the consequences of resolving within-group conflict resonate through groups and populations to affect population structure, with important implications for social evolution.

EDUCATION, TRAINING AND AWARENESS OF LAWS AS DETERMINANTS OF COMPLIANCE WITH PLANT PROTECTION LAW: THE CASE OF PESTICIDE USE PRACTICES IN TANZANIA

Pesticide residues in food and environment pose serious health risks to human beings. Plant protection laws, among other things, regulate misuse of agricultural pesticides. Compliance with such laws consequently reduces risks of pesticide residues in food and the environment. Studies were conducted to assess the compliance with plant protection laws among tomato farmers in Mvomero District, Morogoro Region, Tanzania. Compliance was assessed by examining pesticide use practices that are regulated by the Tanzanian Plant Protection Act (PPA) of 1997. A total of 91 tomato farmers were interviewed using a structured questionnaire. Purposive sampling was used in selecting at least 30 respondent farmers from each of the three villages of Msufini, Mlali and Doma in Mvomero District, Morogoro Region. Simple Random Sampling was used to obtain respondents from the sampling frame. Individual and social factors were examined on how they could affect pesticide use practices regulated by the law. Descriptive statistics, mainly frequency, were used to analyze the data while associations between variables were determined using Chi-Square and logistic regression model. The results showed that respondents were generally aware of the existence of laws on agriculture, environment and consumer health, although none of them could name a specific Act. The results revealed further that 94.5% of the farmers read instructions on the pesticides label. However, only 21% used the correct doses of pesticides, 40.7% stored pesticides in special stores, 68.1% used protective gear, while 94.5% always read instructions on the label before using a pesticide product. Training influenced the application rate of pesticide (p < 0.001) while awareness of agricultural laws significantly influenced farmers’ tendency to read information on the labels (p < 0.001). The results showed further that education significantly influenced the use of protective gears by farmers (p = 0.042). Education also significantly affected the manner in which farmers stored pesticide-applying equipment (p = 0.024). Furthermore, farmers’ awareness of environmental laws significantly (p = 0.03) affected farmers’ disposal of empty pesticide containers. Results of this study suggest the need for express provisions on safe use and handling of pesticides and related offences in the Act, and that compliance should be achieved through education rather than coercion. Results also suggest establishment of pesticide disposal mechanisms and structures to reduce unsafe disposal of pesticide containers. It is recommended that farmers should be educated and trained on proper use of pesticides. Farmers’ awareness on laws affecting food, environment and agriculture should be improved.

Estado, sociedad civil y hegemonía en el pensamiento político de Gramsci

En el presente artículo analizamos el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci y su relación con los conceptos políticos fundamentales de su pensamiento. Nos confrontamos con las interpretaciones que sitúan la hegemonía exclusivamente en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y mostramos la complejidad teórica de concepto gramsciano de Estado, que integra dialécticamente la sociedad civil con la sociedad política. Con ello se pone de manifiesto el modo en que se articulan coerción y consenso en el pensamiento político de Gramsci, así como la necesidad de dominar las estructuras políticas del Estado para consolidar la hegemonía conquistada en la sociedad civil.

Estado, sociedad civil y hegemonía en el pensamiento político de Gramsci

En el presente artículo analizamos el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci y su relación con los conceptos políticos fundamentales de su pensamiento. Nos confrontamos con las interpretaciones que sitúan la hegemonía exclusivamente en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y mostramos la complejidad teórica de concepto gramsciano de Estado, que integra dialécticamente la sociedad civil con la sociedad política. Con ello se pone de manifiesto el modo en que se articulan coerción y consenso en el pensamiento político de Gramsci, así como la necesidad de dominar las estructuras políticas del Estado para consolidar la hegemonía conquistada en la sociedad civil.

Estado, sociedad civil y hegemonía en el pensamiento político de Gramsci

En el presente artículo analizamos el concepto de hegemonía de Gramsci y su relación con los conceptos políticos fundamentales de su pensamiento. Nos confrontamos con las interpretaciones que sitúan la hegemonía exclusivamente en el ámbito de la sociedad civil y mostramos la complejidad teórica de concepto gramsciano de Estado, que integra dialécticamente la sociedad civil con la sociedad política. Con ello se pone de manifiesto el modo en que se articulan coerción y consenso en el pensamiento político de Gramsci, así como la necesidad de dominar las estructuras políticas del Estado para consolidar la hegemonía conquistada en la sociedad civil.

Economic impact of political protests (strikes) on manufacturing firms : evidence from Bangladesh

Political protests in the form of strikes, locally known as hartal, remain quite common in the Indian subcontinent countries. Such a form of protests is associated with mass movement, intended to cause a total shutdown of economic activities and often results in coercion, violence, and damage to both public and private properties. Utilizing the World Bank Enterprise survey data of 2007 and 2013 of Bangladesh, this study examines the impacts of hartals on manufacturing firms. We find that political protests significantly increase costs for firms. Using flexible cost function based on factor analysis we see that the factor-neutral effect of strikes is positive and statistically significant, showing evidence of a reduction in firm productivity due to hartals. However, we did not find any evidence for systematic factor re-optimization by firms – in response to political strikes – suggesting that firms do not reallocate factor shares to tackle uncertain and irregular shocks like hartals.

Detecting expressions of blame or praise in text

The growth of social networking platforms has drawn a lot of attentions to the need for social computing. Social computing utilises human insights for computational tasks as well as design of systems that support social behaviours and interactions. One of the key aspects of social computing is the ability to attribute responsibility such as blame or praise to social events. This ability helps an intelligent entity account and understand other intelligent entities’ social behaviours, and enriches both the social functionalities and cognitive aspects of intelligent agents. In this paper, we present an approach with a model for blame and praise detection in text. We build our model based on various theories of blame and include in our model features used by humans determining judgment such as moral agent causality, foreknowledge, intentionality and coercion. An annotated corpus has been created for the task of blame and praise detection from text. The experimental results show that while our model gives similar results compared to supervised classifiers on classifying text as blame, praise or others, it outperforms supervised classifiers on more finer-grained classification of determining the direction of blame and praise, i.e., self-blame, blame-others, self-praise or praise-others, despite not using labelled training data.