442 resultados para barns kognitiva utveckling


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The aim of the study is to investigate the use of finlandisms in an historical perspective, how they have been viewed from the mid-19th century to this day, and the effect of language planning on their use. A finlandism is a word, a phrase, or a structure that is used only in the Swedish varieties used in Finland (i.e. in Finland Swedish), or used in these varieties in a different meaning than in the Swedish used in Sweden. Various aspects of Finland-Swedish language planning are discussed in relation to language planning generally; in addition, the relation of Finland Swedish to Standard Swedish and standard regional varieties is discussed, and various types of finlandisms are analysed in detail. A comprehensive picture is provided of the emergence and evolution of the ideology of language planning from the mid-19th century up until today. A theoretical model of corpus planning is presented and its effect on linguistic praxis described. One result of the study is that the belief among Finland-Swedish language planners that the Swedish language in Finland must not be allowed to become distanced from Standard Swedish, has been widely adopted by the average Finland Swede, particularly during the interwar period, following the publication of Hugo Bergroth s work Finlandssvenska in 1917. Criticism of this language-planning ideology started to appear in the 1950s, and intensified in the 1970s. However, language planning and the basis for this conception of language continue to enjoy strong support among Swedish-speaking Finns. I show that the editing of Finnish literary texts written in Swedish has often been somewhat amateurish and the results not always linguistically appropriate, and that Swedish publishers have in fact adopted a rather liberal attitude towards finlandisms. My conclusion is that language planning has achieved rather modest results in its resistance to finlandisms. Most of the finlandisms used in 1915 were still in use in 2005. Finlandisms occur among speakers of all ages, and even among academically educated people despite their more elevated style. The most common finlandisms were used by informants of all ages. The ones that are firmly rooted are the most established, in other words those that are stylistically neutral, seemingly genuinely Swedish, but which are nevertheless strongly supported by Finnish, and display a shift in meaning as compared with Standard Swedish.

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Precise measurements of the total reaction cross section for 3He(3He,2p)4He He have been made in the range of center-of-mass energies between 1100 keV and 80 keV. A differentially pumped gas target modified to operate with a limited quantity of the target gas was employed to minimize the uncertainties in the primary energy and energy straggle. Beam integration inside the target gas was carried out by a calorimetric device which measures the total energy spent in a heat sink rather than the total charge in a Faraday cup. Proton energy spectra have been obtained using a counter telescope consisting of a gas proportional counter and a surface barrier detector and angular distributions of these protons have been measured at seven bombarding energies. Cross section factors, S(E), have been calculated from the total cross sections and fitted to a linear function of energy over different ranges of energy. For Ecm < 500 keV

S(Ecm) = S0 + S1 Ecm

where S0 = (5.0 +0.6-0.4) MeV - barns and S1 = (-1.8 ± 0.5) barns.

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Described in this thesis are measurements made of the thick-target neutron yield from the reaction 13C(α, n)16O. The yield was determined for laboratory bombarding energies between 0.475 and 0.700 MeV, using a stilbene crystal neutron detector and pulse-shape discrimination to eliminate gamma rays. Stellar temperatures between 2.5 and 4.5 x 108 oK are involved in this energy region. From the neutron yield was extracted the astrophysical cross-section factor S(E), which was found to fit a linear function: S(E) = [(5.48 ± 1.77) + (12.05 ± 3.91)E] x 105 MeV-barns, center-of-mass system. The stellar rate of the 13C(α, n)16O reaction if calculated, and discussed with reference to helium burning and neutron production in the core of a giant star.

Results are also presented of measurements carried out on the reaction 9Be(α, n)12C, taken with a thin Be target. The bombarding energy-range covered was from 0.340 to 0.680 MeV, with excitation curves for the ground- and first excited-state neutrons being reported. Some angular distributions were also measured. Resonances were found at bombarding energies of ELAB = 0.520 MeV (ECM = 0.360 MeV, Γ ~ 55 keV CM, ωγ = 3.79 eV CM) and ELAB = 0.600 MeV (ECM = 0.415 MeV, Γ ˂ 4 keV CM, ωγ = 0.88 eV CM). The astrophysical rate of the 9Be(α, n)12C reaction due to these resonances is calculated.

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This is the Kent estuary survey 18th July 1981 produced by the North West Water Authority in 1981. The report focuses on a tidal cycle survey carried out on the Kent estuary on the 18th August, 1981. The chemical water quality at Arnside Pier and at New Barns was, on the whole, acceptable. However, samples taken downstream of the outfall at low water for total coliforms and E. coli were all above the EEC mandatory level whilst those for faecal streptococci were all above the guideline value. This document shows chemical and bacteriological data analysed at Kent estuary such chloride, dissolved oxygen, BOD, ammonia, nitrate, phosphate, total coliforms, E. coli and Faecal streptococci.

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The everyday lives of many farm workers in eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century England were intricately and often intimately bound with the lives of animals, the ebb and flow of human life being inseparable from that of animal life. Farmyards, fields, folds as well as barns and stables were all spaces where animals transcended being the mere instruments of capital to instead being obvious co-constituents of the rhythms of existence. Living and working in such close proximity meant that the ‘species barrier’ was crossed and intimacies developed in everyday agricultural practices. Still, the relationship was based upon, if not reducible to, the workings of capital: the animal enrolled as a form of embodied capital, the labourer engaged by the farmer to act upon the animal. And in such relationships intimacies are mirrored by violences: the keeping captive, slaughter, and – occasionally – abuse. In this formative period in which the discourses and policies that continue to inform animal welfare were first formulated, the declining economic and material fortunes of farm workers when juxtaposed to farm animals’ fortune as increasingly ‘cosseted capital’ gave a particular charge to these abuses. Farm animals, and especially horses and cattle, so it is shown, were subjected to a series of violences. Many cases of animal maiming parodied tenderness in their brutality, whilst other attacks on the sexual organs of animals represented complex statements about the ways in which agrarian capitalism regulated all culture. Analysing the changing relationship between humans and animals therefore also helps us to better understand how capitalism mediates – and is mediated by – the non-human as well as the human, and how it defines cultural relations.

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This paper argues that the modern barn in Ireland is a complex social and architectural phenomena that is without, or has yet to find, a satisfactory discourse. Emerging in the middle third of the twentieth century, the modern barn – replete with corrugated iron and I-sections – continues to represent a presence in the Irish landscape whose ubiquity is as emphatic as its flexibility. It is, however, its universal properties that begin to suggest connections with wider narratives. The modernising aspects of the barn that appear in the 1920s and 30s begin to conflate with a rhetoric of architectural modernism which was simultaneously appearing across Europe. But while the relationship between high modernism’s critique of what it divined as the inspirational qualities of utilitarian buildings – Walter Gropius on grain silos, Le Corbusier on aircraft hangers etc. – has been well-documented, in Ireland this relationship perhaps contains another layer of complexity.
The barn’s consolidation as a modern type coincided with the search for a nation’s cultural identity after centuries of colonial rule. This tended to be an introspective vision that prioritised rural space over urban space, agriculture over industry, and imagined the small farm as a central tenet in the construction of a new State. This paper suggests that the twentieth-century barn – as a product of the mechanisation of agriculture promoted by the new administrations – is an iconic structure, emblematic of attempts to reconcile the contradictory forces and imagery of modernity with the mores of a traditional society. Moreover, given a cultural purview that was often ambivalent or even hostile to the ideologies and forms of modernity, the barn in Ireland is, perhaps, not so much the inspiration but the realisation of an architectural modernism in that country at its most pervasive, enduring and unself-conscious.

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This paper argues that the modern barn in Ireland is a complex social and architectural phenomena that is without, or has yet to find, a satisfactory discourse. Emerging in the middle third of the twentieth century, the modern barn – replete with corrugated iron and I-sections – continues to represent a presence in the Irish landscape whose ubiquity is as emphatic as its flexibility. It is, however, its universal properties that begin to suggest connections with wider narratives. The modernising aspects of the barn that appear in the 1920s and 30s begin to conflate with a rhetoric of architectural modernism which was simultaneously appearing across Europe. But while the relationship between high modernism’s critique of what it divined as the inspirational qualities of utilitarian buildings – Walter Gropius on grain silos, Le Corbusier on aircraft hangers etc. – has been well-documented, in Ireland this relationship perhaps contains another layer of complexity.
The barn’s consolidation as a modern type coincided with the search for a nation’s cultural identity after centuries of colonial rule. This tended to be an introspective vision that prioritised rural space over urban space, agriculture over industry, and imagined the small farm as a central tenet in the construction of a new State. This paper suggests that the twentieth-century barn – as a product of the mechanisation of agriculture promoted by the new administrations – is an iconic structure, emblematic of attempts to reconcile the contradictory forces and imagery of modernity with the mores of a traditional society. Moreover, given a cultural purview that was often ambivalent or even hostile to the ideologies and forms of modernity, the barn in Ireland is, perhaps, not so much the inspiration but the realisation of an architectural modernism in that country at its most pervasive, enduring and unself-conscious.

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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company along the western edge of the Town of St. Catharines. Although not labelled, the Second Welland Canal can be seen running through the map along with its tow path, which is located on the southwestern edge of the waterway. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks are identified and include streets and roads (ex. Ontario Street and Road to Hamilton), Artesian Mineral Well, Dr. Mack's Artesian Well, Stephenson House Mineral Well and Gas Works, New Brewery, Old Brewery, Welland House Mineral Well, L. Shickluna's Shipyard, Vinegar Manufactory, Merritt's Covered Race, Mitchels Wharf, Sail Loft, an office, a tavern, two barns, a boathouse, a structure belonging to T. Nihan (or P. Nihen), and some store houses. Properties and property owners of note are: Concession 6 Lot 20, William H. Merritt, E. S. Adams, William Chace, Jacob Hainer, J. Taylor, and J. P. Merritt.

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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the Grantham Township between the Town of St. Catharines and Merritton. Identified structures associated with the Canal include Locks 8, 9, and 10, waste weirs, the towing path, and several floating bridges. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Several stones and tree stumps likely used in the measurements are identified on the map. Local area landmarks are also identified and include streets and roads(ex. Macadamized Road to Thorold), J. Hamilton's Hotel, a school house, McCoy's Farm House, Bradley's House, O. Phelps Saw Mill, Disher and Hait's Woolen Mill, Centreville Mills, a bridge, several barns, and a number of structures (possibly houses, cabins, or shops) belonging to: P. McCoy, E. McLachlan, T. Wilson, W. Wilson, M. Bradley, S. Bradley, P. Boyle, J. Bradley, E. Grant, and W. Church. Lock 12 and 15 of the original canal are also identified. Properties and property owners of note are: Concession 8 Lots 12, 13 and 14, O. J. Phelps, P. McCoy, A. Bradley, C. Bradley, T. Reed, O. Clifford, J. Bradley, W. C. Loan Company, Duffin, and T. Towers Mill Lot.

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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the Grantham Township at Merritton. Identified structures associated with the Canal include Locks 15, 16, 17, and 18, and the towing path. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks are also identified and include streets and roads (ex. Hartzel Road and Macadamized Road), Lybster Cotton Mill, St. Catharines Paper Mill, J. Brown Cotton Mills, hydraulic race, a pond, several barns, and a number of structures (likely houses or cabins) belonging to: J. McNamara, M. Moran, A. Delany, T. Joyce, J. Delany, C. Blake, F. Weaver, W. Leeson, and Mrs. Aikins. Properties of note are: Concession 10 Lots 11 and 12. A number of reserved properties exist and are outlined in blue. They include three reserved properties for lock lots, and one large property reserved for a quarry.

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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the canal as it passes through the Village of Thorold. Identified structures associated with the Canal include Locks 23, 24, and 25, a Guard Gate, Lock House Lot, the Little Deep Cut, and the towing path. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks are also identified and include streets and roads(ex. Pine Street and Front Street), a basin, a mill race, McPherson and Wier's Grist Mill, Brown and Ross Flouring Mill, R. James Store, J. Brown Cement Mill, W. B. Hendershots Store, Keefers Mill, J. Woodward Grist Mill, Brierly McWhirter and Co. Cotton Mill, E. W. Stephenson Tavern, a factory and a saw mill on W. H. Ward's property, a flouring mill, engine house, a store house, several barns, J. Brown's Wharf, and a number of structures belonging to: Jenkinson, Mrs. McCarty, John Clay, M. McDonnah, Mrs. Donahoc, W. B. Hendershott, Mrs. Pawling, and Christy. Properties and property owners of note are: Lots 8, 9, 16, and 17, W. H. Ward, J. Keefer, G. Keefer Jr., G. Keefer Sr., Dr. Rolls, W. Hendershott, Cleveland, Lucy, and R. Leeper.

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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the canal in Thorold Township. Identified structures associated with the Canal include the towing path. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks are also identified and include streets and roads (ex. Road to Allanburgh), an unnamed bridege, several barns, a structure labelled Bridge Tender, and a dwelling. Properties and property owners of note are: Lots 30, 31, 32, 48, 49, and 50, Robert Booth, Hiram Marlatt, George Keefer, John Kelly, Isaac Kelly, John Brown, Thomas Lee, and the Board of Works.

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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the canal in the Village of Welland. Identified structures and features associated with the Canal include the towing path, the old canal, the aqueduct lock, the new aqueduct, the old aqueduct, Lock Tenders House, a waste weir, culvert, covered drain, drain, dam, flume, and the canal's New Line. The surveyors' measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks are also identified and include bridges, roads, and streets (ex. Division Street and Main Street), Chippewa Creek, Mill Pond, Mill Race, Court House and Gaol, Seeley (Seely) and Dunlop Saw Mill, Seeley (Seely) and Dunlop (Burnt) Grist Mill, Montrose Grist Mill, M. Caferty (Cafferty) City Hotel, Welland House by Wilkerson, Eli Mead Wharf Lot, A. Sherwood Wharf Lot, D. P. Myers Store, M. Cook Grist Mill, A. H. Cosby Saw Mill, Betts Lumber Yard, T. Quinn Tavern, a Carding Mill, shed, several barns, a hotel, and several structures or properties belonging to: J. P Evans, W. A. Phillips, S. Hampton, M. Silverthorne, D. McEwing, W. B. Hendershott (Hendershot), T. Burgar, J. Brookfield, A. Hendershott, Joseph Burgar, C. Demrie, M. Cafferty, J. Spencer, Mrs. Curran, John Lemon, D. Cooper, H. A. Rose, J. Bridges, A. Chapman, and R. Morewood. A structure belonging to a D. McKelly or McKully, and a store belonging to a J. Fino or Finn are also present. Properties and property owners of note are: Lots 247 and 248 of the Thorold Township, 5th Concession Lots 26 and 25 of the Crowland Township, Smith Shotwell, Eli Mead, D. P Myers, Donaldson, McFarland, Mrs. Silverthorne, Price, and Griffth. A County Court House Lot containing the Court House, Gaol and Gaol Yard is present.

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Survey map of the Second Welland Canal created by the Welland Canal Company showing the areas in and around Petersburg and Humberstone. Identified structures associated with the Canal include North and South Back Ditches, Bridge Tender's Building, Towing Path, Old Back Ditch, and Covered Drain. Features of the First Welland Canal are noted in red ink. Surveyor measurements and notes can be seen in red and black ink and pencil. Local area landmarks include bridge, barns, ruins of Stone Mill (burnt), Wesbern (Wabern) Hotel and spoil banks. Roads labelled running parallel to Canal is the south Road Allowance. Roads perpendicular to Canal include Road Allowance between 1st and 2nd Concession, Road to Waterloo Ferry, Road Allowance between 2nd and 3rd Concessions. Properties and property owners/renters are identified as follows: A. Augustine, Captain Duffil, O. Farres, I. Schooley, George Augustine, E. Schooley (Schooly), R. and J. Kilmer (Killmer), J. Urich, J. Thompson (Tompson), M. Reeb, G. Wilson, J. Klee, John Steel, E. Augustine, Furry, J. Jackson, Robert House, R. White, J. Crame, D. Saff, J. Kinnard, J. Schooley, Dickson, C. Erhoff, and G. Rother."Village of Petersburgh" - Scale 2 Chs. per Inch "Humberstone" - Scale 4 Chs. per Inch,

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La problématique de l’observance de la biosécurité est présente dans tous les types de production. Il est essentiel de définir des stratégies pour améliorer l’application des mesures de biosécurité. Cette étude décrit l’application des mesures de biosécurité à l’entrée et à la sortie de 24 bâtiments d’élevages avicoles au Québec, Canada. L’effet des audits et de caméras visibles sur l’observance a été étudié, de même que les déterminants de l’observance. De plus, la relation entre l’observance et les profils de personnalité, l’expérience et l’éducation a été décrite. L’application des mesures de biosécurité a été évaluée à l’aide de caméras cachées. L’observance à court terme (deux premières semaines) et à moyen terme (six mois plus tard) a été déterminée. Basés sur les résultats du groupe contrôle, 44 différentes erreurs lors de l’application des mesures de biosécurité ont été observées à l’entrée et la sortie des bâtiments. La plupart étaient reliées à la délimitation des zones (propre versus contaminée). La nature et la fréquence des erreurs suggèrent un manque de compréhension des principes associés aux mesures de biosécurité. Le visionnement des vidéos a révélé 3055 visites par 277 individus différents (136 employés, 123 visiteurs, 3 superviseurs et 15 éleveurs). Les résultats ont démontré que les audits n’avaient pas d’impact sur l’observance des employés. Les caméras visibles ont eu un impact, à court terme, sur le port de bottes et le respect des zones durant la visite. Par contre, six mois plus tard, l’observance avait significativement diminué, au point de ne plus être statistiquement plus élevée que le groupe contrôle. La durée et le moment de la visite, la présence de l’éleveur ou d’un observateur, la conception de l’entrée, le nombre de bâtiments, le nombre de mesures de biosécurité exigé, le type de bottes, le genre et être membre de la famille de l’éleveur étaient significativement associés à l’observance de certaines mesures. Finalement, trois traits de la personnalité étaient associés à l’observance: responsabilité, orienté vers l’action et complexité, de même que le nombre d’années d’expérience et le niveau d’éducation. Il est nécessaire d’améliorer la formation en matière de biosécurité en fournissant du matériel de formation à tous les intervenants qui démontrent pourquoi et comment appliquer les mesures de biosécurité. La formation continue devrait également aborder les problématiques reliées aux caractéristiques de visites et de fermes. Améliorer la conception des entrées de bâtiments devrait contribuer à augmenter et à maintenir l’observance. L’identification de traits de personnalité associés à l’observance peut avoir des implications sur la sélection des candidats à l’embauche ou sur l’attribution de tâches et sur la planification des programmes de formation.