Income evaluation of small - scale fishers in two brazilian urban reservoirs: Represa Billings (SP) and Lago Paranoá (DF)

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Millennium development goals. 2006 report: a look at gender equality and empowerment of women in Latin America and the Caribbean

Includes bibliography

How domestic violence came to be viewed as a public issue and policy object

Includes bibliography

Data collection system for domestic violence

Includes bibliography

Report of the AD HOC Expert Group meeting on social exclusion, poverty, inequality, crime and violence: Towardsa research agenda for informed public policy for Caribbean SIDS

The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean convened an expert group meeting on Social Exclusion, Poverty, Inequality – Crime and Violence: Towards a Research Agenda for informed Public Policy for Caribbean SIDS on Friday 4 April 2008, at its conference room in Port of Spain. The meeting was attended by 14 experts drawn from, the University of the West Indies (UWI), St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago; and Mona Campus, Jamaica; the St. Georges University, Grenada; the Trinidad and Tobago Crime Commission and the Ministry of Social Development, Government of Trinidad and Tobago and representative of Civil Society from Guyana. Experts from the United Nations System included representatives from the United Nations Fund for Women (UNIFEM), Barbados; the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Port of Spain and UNDP Barbados/SRO and the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS). The list of participants appears as an annex to this report. The purpose of the meeting was to provide a forum in which differing theories and methodologies useful to addressing the issues of social exclusion, poverty, inequality, crime and violence could be explored. It was expected that at the end of the meeting there would be consensus on areas of research which could be pursued over a two to four-year period by the ECLAC Subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean and its partners, which would lead to informed public policy in support of the reduction of the growing violence in Caribbean society.

A (in)disciplina e a violência escolar segundo a concepção de professores do ensino fundamental

Pós-graduação em Educação - FFC

Homens autores de violência contra a mulher: a versão da mídia impressa paraense e as contribuições para a enfermagem

Neste estudo realizou-se a análise do perfil dos homens autores de violência cometida contra a mulher a partir de notícias sobre violência identificadas no jornal O Liberal, do Estado do Pará, sugerindo possíveis estratégias de enfermagem para o enfretamento do problema. Trata-se de um estudo do tipo exploratório de natureza quantitativa e qualitativa utilizando-se o método estatístico e análise de conteúdo de Bardin (2011). Foi desenvolvido na Fundação Cultural do Pará Tancredo Neves (CENTUR), onde se observou 2.190 exemplares do jornal O Liberal, destes analisou-se 211 notícias sobre violência conjugal no Estado do Pará, das quais, 85 foram publicadas no período de 01 de Janeiro de 2004 a 31 de Julho de 2006 (antes da Lei Maria da Penha), e 126 foram publicadas de 01 de Agosto de 2006 a 31 de Dezembro de 2008 (Após a criação da Lei Maria da Penha). Na abordagem quantitativa, verificou-se que os homens que cometem violência contra a mulher são seus companheiros com 25,88% (antes da Lei Maria da Penha) e 48,41% (depois da Lei Maria da Penha); têm idade entre 23 e 33 anos com 27,06% (antes da Lei Maria da Penha) e 23,81% (depois da Lei Maria da Penha); exercem atividades informais ou de nível pouco especializado, como agricultor 2,35% (antes da Lei Maria da Penha) e pedreiro com 6,35% (após a Lei Maria da Penha). Apresentam antecedentes criminais por agressão física (3,53%) correspondente aos anos anteriores à criação da Lei Maria da Penha e tráfico de drogas com um percentual de 3,97%, referente aos anos que sucedem a Lei Maria da Penha. As discussões com taxas de 24,71% (antes da Lei Maria da Penha) e 27,78% (após a Lei Maria da Penha) representam o principal fator para agressão e/ou morte da mulher. A violência física é a mais significativa com percentuais de 89,4% (antes da criação da lei Maria da Penha) e 77,78% (após a criação da Lei). Na abordagem qualitativa foram identificadas cinco categorias temáticas: A violência contra a mulher como um fenômeno complexo; A construção da identidade do homem autor da violência cometida contra a mulher; Principais fatores que levam os homens a cometerem violência contra as parceiras; Aplicabilidade da Lei nº 11.340/2006 segundo o jornal O Liberal; Formas de referenciar os autores da violência. Por conseguinte, a prevenção da violência contra a mulher não depende exclusivamente do seu empoderamento, mas deve incluir transformações por parte do autor da violência. Dessa forma, o enfermeiro tem papel fundamental no cuidado a este homem, pois ao conjugar esforços com outros profissionais encontra suporte para atuar no processo de educação em saúde junto aos autores de violência e suas famílias.

Explanations and Representations of Violence by School-age Brazilian Youths

The violence staged by young people has often been subjected to scientific analysis. The way youths speak, in their role as aggressors or as victims, is examined to determine how they experience violence in a number of different spheres. Repeated group interviews are used to analyze how violence is explained and depicted within the family, at school and in the neighbourhood by two groups of young people (14-17 years old) attending the same school on the outskirts of Rio Claro, Sao Paulo, Brazil. One of the groups involved is identified by the school as violent, and the other, as non-violent. Discourse analysis leads to two conclusions. First, the different contexts of violence infuse a mistrust of institutions, the environment and personal relationships into the subjects' experience, forming a fabric that clouds future prospects. Second, the group of youths identified as violent have a more simplistic, pessimistic view of reality: They see the world in black and white, and they lay no stock in the possibility that violence can be avoided. Consequently, they use violence and understand violence as a defensive strategy that gives one identity. On the other hand, the group identified as nonviolent feels it possible to intervene in situations with nonviolent tools like words. For the young subjects, violence is a context that they assume; it cancels their ability to identify rules and institutions, but it does not generate an effective interaction strategy. Violence causes their social microcontext (in which action prevails over meaning or meaning equals action) to assume overblown dimensions. Any intervention strategy must take into account this indissoluble unity between meaning and action.

Essays on the Empirical Analysis of Economic and Political Development in Sub-Saharan Africa

In Sub-Saharan Africa, non-democratic events, like civil wars and coup d'etat, destroy economic development. This study investigates both domestic and spatial effects on the likelihood of civil wars and coup d'etat. To civil wars, an increase of income growth is one of common research conclusions to stop wars. This study adds a concern on ethnic fractionalization. IV-2SLS is applied to overcome causality problem. The findings document that income growth is significant to reduce number and degree of violence in high ethnic fractionalized countries, otherwise they are trade-off. Income growth reduces amount of wars, but increases its violent level, in the countries with few large ethnic groups. Promoting growth should consider ethnic composition. This study also investigates the clustering and contagion of civil wars using spatial panel data models. Onset, incidence and end of civil conflicts spread across the network of neighboring countries while peace, the end of conflicts, diffuse only with the nearest neighbor. There is an evidence of indirect links from neighboring income growth, without too much inequality, to reduce the likelihood of civil wars. To coup d'etat, this study revisits its diffusion for both all types of coups and only successful ones. The results find an existence of both domestic and spatial determinants in different periods. Domestic income growth plays major role to reduce the likelihood of coup before cold war ends, while spatial effects do negative afterward. Results on probability to succeed coup are similar. After cold war ends, international organisations seriously promote democracy with pressure against coup d'etat, and it seems to be effective. In sum, this study indicates the role of domestic ethnic fractionalization and the spread of neighboring effects to the likelihood of non-democratic events in a country. Policy implementation should concern these factors.

Raccontare, resistere. La denuncia tra novela negra e testimonio. Affinita' e differenze in tre scrittori ispanoamericani: Serna, Walsh e Bolaño.

La tesi è incentrata sui recenti sviluppi della narrativa testimoniale dell’America Latina. Verranno presi in considerazione gli ultimi contributi critici dedicati al rapporto tra finzione e realtà in letteratura, e sarà dato spazio alla costruzione narrativa della realtà e alla nascita del testimonio, come genere a sé, che raccoglie alcune delle principali opere latinoamericane degli ultimi quaranta anni. Nello specifico, l’indagine riguarderà la rappresentazione letteraria della violenza nella narrativa di denuncia di tre autori ispoanoamericani: la novela negra di Enrique Serna, il poliziesco testimoniale di Rodolfo Walsh e la scrittura estrema di Roberto Bolaño. Obiettivo della ricerca è capire in che modo i tre scrittori hanno raccontato le loro verità alternative, provando a salvaguardare la memoria, e quali effetti hanno ottenuto. Verranno analizzate non solo le tematiche affrontate, facendo riferimento quindi al contesto storico, politico e sociale al quale si rifanno, ma saranno illustrate anche le differenti tecniche di costruzione del romanzo, dell’intreccio e della trama, e verrà isolato il ruolo del testimone (diretto o indiretto) e delle fonti, per cogliere le differenze ma anche le similitudini stilistiche e narrative di ognuna delle opere. Più in generale, dimostreremo come e quanto i testi di questi autori costituiscano in realtà una forte critica al sistema imperante e diano voce alle categorie sociali altrimenti emarginate.

Building Peace and/or Gender Equality. Changing Attitudes around Peace, Development and Security in International Cooperation in Rwanda.

The times following international or civil conflicts but also violent revolutions often come with unequal share of the peace dividend for men and women. Delusions for women who gained freedom of movement and of roles during conflict but had to step back during reconstruction and peace have been recorded in all regions of the world. The emergence of peacebuilding as a modality for the international community to ensure peace and security has slowly incorporated gender sensitivity at the level of legal and policy instruments. Focusing on Rwanda, a country that has obtained significant gender advancement in the years after the genocide while also obtaining to not relapse into conflict, this research explores to what extent the international community has contributed to this transformation. From a review of evaluations, findings are that many of the interventions did not purse gender equality, and overall the majority understood gender and designed actions is a quite superficial way which would hardly account for the significative advancement in combating gender discrimination that the Government, for its inner political will, is conducting. Then, after a critique from a feminist standpoint to the concept of human security, departing from the assumption (sustained by the Governemnt of Rwanda as well) that domestic violence is a variable influencing level of security relevant at the national level, a review of available secondary data on GBV is conducted an trends over the years analysed. The emerging trends signal a steep increase in prevalence of GBV and in domestic violence in particular. Although no conclusive interpretation can be formulated on these data, there are elements suggesting the increase might be due to augmented reporting. The research concludes outlining possible further research pathways to better understand the link in Rwanda between the changing gender norms and the GBV.

Il dilemma femminista dell'uso politico della violenza in Italia negli anni Settanta e Ottanta: tra pensiero politico e caso storico

Degli anni Settanta si parla, ormai quasi canonicamente, come gli anni della crisi, una crisi che compare quasi simultaneamente fuori e dentro i confini nazionali, e si configura come vera e propria crisi di sistema. Considerando il turning point rappresentato dai Seventies, è diffusa l'interpretazione nel contesto italiano del paradigma politologico secondo il quale è nella mancanza e nelle assenze del sistema politico-istituzionale alle domande di modernizzazione democratica provenienti dalle soggettività che emergono in quella che è stata definita la “stagione dei movimenti” che andrebbero individuate le radici prima della scelta della violenza come strumento di lotta politica e poi del cosiddetto “riflusso”. Questo studio cerca di analizzare le dinamiche e gli sviluppi nella relazione tra movimento femminista e violenza politica in Italia tra anni settanta e anni ottanta. Per comprendere ed analizzare le dinamiche di tale sviluppo è stato necessario prima ricostruire la genealogia del concetto di violenza politica elaborato dalla filosofia politica nel XX secolo e poi confrontarlo con il concetto di violenza proposto dal pensiero femminista nello stesso arco temporale. Allo stesso tempo si è considerato il fenomeno della violenza politicamente motivata agita nel decennio settanta, analizzando le specificità del femminismo stesso, ma anche, la possibilità di individuare lo scarto – politico, ideologico e esistenziale – tra le definizioni date dalla pratica femminista alla categoria di violenza e le peculiarità degli altri movimenti che si muovevano nella scena politica e sociale tra anni settanta e anni ottanta

Videogames and Aggression in Teenagers

Victor Sazonov (Russia). Video Games and Aggression in Teenagers. Mr. Sazonov works as a psychologist at the Obninsk Linguistic College and worked on this research from July 1996 to June 1997. Mr. Sazonov conducted a survey of 200 tenth and eleventh graders in Moscow (94 boys and 106 girls), in which they were asked to estimate the total amount of time they spent playing video games each week and which games were the most popular. Aggression was also assessed using two measures, the first dealing with manifest physical aggression and the second with aggressive behavioural delinquency. The data collected showed that 62% of teenagers spend at least one hour a week playing video games, with 10% spending over seven hours on them. Girls tended to play less than boys (1.6 and 2.8 hours on average respectively). Eight of the ten most popular games require the player to perform acts of a violent nature. Boys also scored higher on the index of aggressive behavioural delinquency, with a mean of 7.0 compared to 4.6 for girls. The results of the correlation analysis between time spent playing video games and measures of aggression were mixed. No relation was found between manifest physical aggression and time spent on the games, although in the case of aggressive behavioural delinquency the link was significant, which seems to indicate that aggressive teenagers spend more time playing video games. While the lack of significant correlations between violent games and aggression suggest that video games may not in fact be as great a menace as their critics suggest, Mr. Sazonov admits that these findings may be influenced by the high number of teenagers who do not play games at all or play relatively little. He also suggests that the abstract nature of the violence in games (often directed against aliens or spaceships) may make it less of a risk than the more realistic violence seen on television. In summary, however, he concludes that his results provide more support for the theories saying that violent video games provide a stimulus to violent action, than for those which suggest that they may help defuse violent tendencies.